n September 1942 General McCreery, chief of staff to General Harold Alexander, Commander-in-Chief Middle East Command, wrote to his superior about a small special forces unit operating in North Africa.* It had been a ‘conspicuous success in the past’, wrote McCreery, ‘and its morale is high’. He then added: The personality of the present commander, L Detachment SAS [Special Air Service] Brigade, is such that he could be given command of the whole force with appropriate rank. In view of this I make the following suggestion. That L Detachment SAS Brigade, 1 SS [Special Service] Regiment, Special Boat Section should all be amalgamated under L Detachment SAS Brigade and commanded by Major D. Stirling with the rank of lieutenant-colonel.1
Alexander accepted the recommendation and on 28 September 1942 General Headquarters Middle East Forces issued an order promoting the 26-year-old David Stirling and authorising him to expand his unit into a regiment. Stirling envisaged the SAS regiment comprising ﬁve squadrons – A, B, C, D and HQ – and he set its war establishment at 29 ofﬁcers and 572 other ranks. His most pressing challenge was to ﬁll his nascent regiment with suitable soldiers, while assisting in the Eighth Army’s imminent offensive against Axis forces at El Alamein. Stirling formed his most experienced men, the bulk of L Detachment, into A Squadron under the command of the formidable Blair ‘Paddy’ Mayne, and instructed them to attack targets along the coast between Tobruk and the rear of the enemy front line. While A Squadron headed into the desert to harass the Germans, Stirling returned to the SAS base at Kabrit, * For a detailed account of this unit read Gavin Mortimer, The Illustrated History of the SAS in World War II (Osprey, 2011).
David Stirling, the brilliant young oﬃcer who founded the SAS in the summer of 1941. (Author’s Collection) 9
90 miles east of Cairo, to continue recruiting and to oversee the training of the new soldiers. It was a confused period, both for the SAS then and for historians now, endeavouring to unravel the administrative knots that Stirling unintentionally tied through his abhorrence of paperwork. The only time Stirling committed anything to paper was shortly after the war when, in a brief typewritten history of the regiment now housed in the SAS archives, he listed the units under his command in January 1943, the month he was captured by the Germans: a) 1st SAS Regiment. L Detachment had become the 1st SAS Regiment in October 1942. Its establishment consisted of ﬁve squadrons – a total of about 50 ofﬁcers and 450 OR [other ranks]. At the time of my capture the full strength
INTRODUCTION had not yet been recruited. I had about 40 ofﬁcers and 350 OR but was hoping to make the full strength from the Middle East Commando, which I had taken over and was sorting. b) The French SAS Squadron. This unit had been considerably added [sic] and in January 1943 consisted of about 14 ofﬁcers and 80 OR. I hoped that this unit would form the nucleus of a French SAS Regiment, which I reckoned would be able to carry out useful operations in France preceding and during the inevitable 2nd Front in Europe. c) The Greek Sacred Squadron. I had taken over this unit towards the end of 1942 and had not ﬁnally completed their training at the time of my capture. My idea was to use the Greek Sacred Squadron for raiding operations in the Eastern Mediterranean, where their local knowledge would be of great value. The unit consisted of 14 ofﬁcers and about 100 OR. d) Folboat Section [Special Boat Section]. This unit had had a separate existence up until August 1942 and had carried out many brilliant operations. My intention was to absorb them into the 1st SAS Regiment as a squadron but I was in the
Some of the original members of L Detachment in autumn 1941. Note the colour of the berets – they were changed from white to sand-coloured not long after this photo. (Author’s Collection)
Paddy Mayne, a pre-war Ireland rugby international and a gifted guerrilla ﬁghter. (Author’s Collection)
meantime giving them the full SAS training, including a parachute course. They had about 15 ofﬁcers and about 40 OR. e) Captain Buck’s German Unit. Due to casualties and difﬁculties of recruitment, this unit had unfortunately ceased to exist. f) Middle East Commando. I took command of the Middle East Commando about November 1942. Although of good material, the unit had been given very little opportunity and in my view were badly commanded. When I took over it consisted of about 30 ofﬁcers and 300 OR, which I intended to disband all bar 10 ofﬁcers and 100 OR, which would bring the 1st SAS Regt up to strength.2
Stirling was captured on 24 January 1943 in Tunisia as he attempted to link up with the advance elements of the First Army advancing east from Algeria. The news was conﬁrmed in the SAS war diary on 14 February, the entry stating that Stirling was ofﬁcially ‘missing believed prisoner of war’.3 The news was a crushing blow to the young regiment. The SAS medical ofﬁcer, Malcolm Pleydell, wrote to a friend in England: ‘I arrived back at Kabrit yesterday to hear that David Stirling is missing, believed Prisoner of War. I suppose that doesn’t convey much to you, but he is our commanding ofﬁcer and there is no one with his ﬂair and gift for projecting schemes. He ran the unit … so now the ship is without a rudder.’4 The ‘ship’ was without a rudder, or a leader, and for several weeks the SAS drifted. Stirling’s nominal successor, Paddy Mayne, loathed bureaucracy even more than his superior and the burden of trying to make sense of what paperwork there was at Kabrit fell on the regiment’s adjutant, Captain Bill Blyth, who sat ‘glumly at his desk piled high with ﬁles’.5 But even if Stirling had not been captured the future role of the SAS was
L Detachment SAS Brigade July 1941 Captain D. Stirling
A, B, C, D and HQ Squadron
Special Boat Section January 1942
1 SAS Regiment 28 September 1942 Lieutenant-Colonel D. Stirling
Special Raiding Squadron March 1943 Major B. Mayne
1 SAS Regiment January 1944 Lieutenant-Colonel B. Mayne
Special Boat Squadron March 1943 Captain G. Jellicoe
being discussed in Middle East Headquarters. The Desert War was nearly won and there was no longer a need for the sort of hit-and-run raids in which the SAS specialized. The Axis forces were on the retreat and would soon be pushed out of North Africa all together. The question exercising the minds of Middle East HQ in the early spring of 1943 was how best to employ the unique skills of the Special Air Service. Eventually they decided to break up the regiment. The French Squadron returned to the UK where it was formed into two regiments; the Greek Sacred Squadron was sent into Palestine to begin preparations for operations in the Mediterranean, and four of the ﬁve squadrons of the SAS regiment were whittled down to form the Special Raiding Squadron. The ﬁfth squadron, D Squadron, a mixture of new recruits and former members of what Stirling had referred to as the ‘Folboat Section’, was reconstituted as the Special Boat Squadron (SBS) under the command of Captain the Earl George Jellicoe.
ot long after the war in Europe had ended Captain John Lodwick of the Special Boat Squadron wrote to Major David Sutherland requesting information about the unit’s origins. Sutherland was the man in the know. The squadron’s commander in May 1945, Sutherland had ﬁrst seen action with the elite force in early 1942. Lodwick, who was in the throes of researching a book about the SBS (The Filibusters, published in 1947 by Methuen), received a three-page potted history from Sutherland by way of response. Much of what Sutherland wrote was dry, factual and to the point, an enumeration of the squadron’s activities from inception until expansion in 1943, at which time Lodwick had himself joined the unit. Sutherland’s only digression from his concise narrative was to describe Roger Courtney, the ofﬁcer who had ﬁrst proposed the idea of a seaborne raiding force. Courtney, explained Sutherland to Lodwick, ‘had pre-war canoeing experience on the Nile and elsewhere’. As for his character, he was ‘a hard-drinking white hunter with a big line of bullshit and a persuasive tongue’.1 Courtney’s plan was to use folding canoes – ‘folboats’ as they were also known – to launch daring raids on German-occupied Europe. After proving the efﬁcacy of his idea with a successful mock attack on a Royal Navy ship, Courtney was granted permission to launch a Folboat Section in July 1940 by Admiral of the Fleet Lord Keyes, Director of Combined Operations.
Marine Bill Jenkins (back right) served in the Special Boat Section in 1942. (Courtesy of Angie English) 15
No oﬃcer saw more service in the SBS than David Sutherland, seen here on his wedding day in 1946. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin) ABOVE RIGHT
New recruits to the SAS in 1942 wore their wings on their shoulder until they had completed three parachute jumps when, like this soldier, they could wear them on their left breast. (Courtesy of Angie English)
Courtney took his section to the Middle East in February 1941 and in June that year they scored their ﬁrst successful operation. Lieutenant ‘Tug’ Wilson and Marine Wally Hughes landed by canoe on the west coast of Italy and blew a goods train off the track before making good their escape. ‘Wilson and Hughes were a magniﬁcent team,’ Sutherland told Lodwick in his SBS history, and consequently the ‘folboat section enlarged with success and more jobs offered’. It was around this time, added Sutherland, that the ‘Folboat Section [was] now called Special Boat Section’.2 No sooner had this name change occurred, however, than Roger Courtney was obliged to return to the United Kingdom suffering from poor health. David Stirling, never a man to miss an opportunity, appropriated the Special Boat Section and attached them to L Detachment, which was aspiring to branch out into sabotaging shipping and not just aircraft. Throughout the spring and summer of 1942 the men of the Special Boat Section used their amphibious skills to carry out a number of daring raids on enemy targets. In the most audacious of these, an 11-strong raiding party, commanded by Captain Allott, attacked targets on Rhodes, destroying more than a dozen aircraft
and blowing up bomb stores and petrol dumps. In the aftermath all the SBS personnel were caught with the exception of Sutherland and Marine John Duggan. This intrepid pair evaded the hundreds of Italians on their tail and reached the rendezvous on the eastern coast of Rhodes at the arranged time. By now the two commandos were cold, exhausted and hungry, having eaten only a tin of sardines each in the preceding ﬁve days. Duggan ﬂashed a recognition seaward at 2200 hours and, on receiving a reply, the pair dived into the surf and began to swim. It took them an hour to reach the submarine, which twice had to crash-dive to avoid prowling Italian Motor Transport Boats. For sheer audacity Operation Anglo, as the attack on Rhodes was code-named, had been a stunning triumph but the cost in captured personnel drained the SBS of its ﬁnest operators.* When Sutherland wrote to Lodwick in 1945 he described how in October 1942 the ‘whole of the SBS … were swept into the SAS’ when Stirling received permission to expand L Detachment into the SAS regiment.3 * The raid was made into a 1954 ﬁlm with Dirk Bogarde as Sutherland and Denholm Elliott as Duggan.
A rare shot of the Special Boat Section in late 1941, when it was still under the command of Roger Courtney. John Duggan is crouching far left on the front row. (Author’s Collection)
In January 1943 Stirling instructed Sutherland to take a detachment of 50 men to Beirut and school them in seamanship and guerrilla warfare tactics. Initially Sutherland protested. He wanted to join the SAS in driving the Germans out of North Africa. He later recalled Stirling’s reaction: ‘He turned on me, eyes ﬂashing. “You are not going and I’ll tell you why. You, George Jellicoe and Tom Langton have unique small boat operational experience. You will be needed soon to carry out raids on the soft underbelly of Europe. You are much too valuable to be wasted elsewhere.”’4 Sutherland did as ordered, arriving in Beirut early in the morning of 20 January 1943.* The delights of the city soon made him forget all about the war in North Africa. ‘The cloak of Lebanese intrigue surrounded the sun terrace of the St Georges hotel,’ he recalled shortly after the war. ‘Here at midday society reposed with martini and almonds peering forth with polarised gaze from beneath skilfully placed sun shades. Here one basked contentedly in the balmy Levantine atmosphere far removed from all reality.’5 Four days later Stirling was captured and Sutherland was soon on his way back to Kabrit, to be met with confusion, uncertainty and Tommy Langton. Tommy Langton was a special forces veteran, an ofﬁcer in the Irish Guards who had joined 8 Commando before it was subsumed into Layforce, the short-lived Commando force that was sent to the Middle East in February 1941 and disbanded six months later. Subsequently he had volunteered for the Special Boat Section and proved his gallantry and fortitude on several occasions during the war in North Africa. A double rowing blue for Cambridge in the late 1930s, Langton was, recalled Sutherland, ‘one of the most powerful swimmers I have ever seen’.6 All new recruits to the SBS had to learn to parachute at the British Parachute School at Ramat David in Palestine. (Courtesy of David Henry)
* The British at this time referred to the Lebanon as Syria because the State of Greater Lebanon was one of six states incorporated into the French Mandate of Syria.
‘You, George Jellicoe and Tom Langton have unique small boat operational experience. You will be needed soon to carry out raids on the soft underbelly of Europe. You are much too valuable to be wasted elsewhere.’ David Stirling
The sun terrace of the St Georges Hotel in Lebanon where Sutherland liked to wind down after a hard day’s training in January 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) PREVIOUS PAGE
John Duggan, along with David Sutherland, were the only two SBS men to escape from the raid on Rhodes in September 1942. (Author’s Collection)
When the Special Boat Section was swept up into the SAS in October 1942, Langton made sure he brought to Kabrit his most experienced operators. Sergeant Cyril Feebery, a bull of a man from London, was one such soldier, as were Sean O’Reilly and Duggie Pomford, two of Langton’s most trusted NCOs. The 41-year-old O’Reilly was practically old enough to be Langton’s father. A Southern Irishman who could work his ﬁsts well, he shared the same parent regiment as Langton and had proved his worth in the Special Boat Section. One of his comrades said he ‘lived on women and beer’.7 Pomford, a 22-year-old native of Liverpool, was an even better ﬁghter than O’Reilly, having won Britain’s amateur Golden Gloves middleweight title in 1938. Pomford was a self-confessed scallywag; as a boy he ‘kept running away with the circus to join the boxing booths’, just him and his dog whom he taught to do tricks. But boxing had imbued in Pomford an exceptional determination and self-discipline, enabling him ‘to focus on an end objective and get there whatever the consequences’.8
Among the new recruits to D Squadron with no prior experience of special forces warfare were half a dozen strapping specimens from the 6th Battalion Grenadier Guards who had volunteered together in October 1942. One of the six was Corporal Sid Dowland, a veteran of Dunkirk who ‘volunteered for the SAS because I was a bit fed up with normal soldiering’.9 Dowland recalled that they were interviewed by Sergeant Dave Kershaw (one of the SAS originals from 1941) who asked if he was prepared to jump out of an aeroplane. Dowland replied that he was, and so did ﬁve of his comrades: Doug Wright, Bill Thomas, Chris ‘Jumper’ Workman, Jim Kosbab and Dick Holmes. ‘The SAS liked Guards as recruits because they didn’t argue about things,’ said Dowland. ‘But then some Guardsmen didn’t know what to do when faced with SAS self-reliance. They’d been trained to do what they’re told.’ It had ﬁrst dawned on Dowland that he might not be cut out for the Guards two and a half years earlier as he waited to be evacuated from Dunkirk. ‘We were
William George Jenkins was only 14 when he joined the Royal Marines in 1933, prior to joining the SBS later on in his career. By the time the photo was taken in the Yedi Atala in 1944, Sergeant Jenkins was known as the ‘Soldier’s Friend’, such was his ability to ﬁnd a solution to all problems. (Courtesy of Angie English)
on the beach and there were shells coming down n and some bleedin’ Coldstream [Guards] sergeant nt starts yelling, “form up in threes the Coldstream m Guards”. Immediately a Grenadier sergeant sayss the same thing. I said “fuck that for a game off soldiers!” And me and my mate “Shorty”” grabbed a spade and began digging slit trenches.’ A particular pal of Dowland’s was Jim Kosbab, a warrior in every sense of the word who could ‘ﬁght a town on his own’ but who had been awarded a Military Medal in May 1940 for rescuing a wounded ofﬁcer under heavy ﬁre. Doug Wright and Dick Holmes were also the best of friends. Both were tall men, with Wright the slightly broader of the pair and Holmes the more ﬂeet-footed. ‘Not a lot of Guardsmen volunteered for the SAS,’ recalled Wright. ‘They all said we were mad.’ His interview for the SAS lasted about 15 minutes during which time he was asked about his disciplinary record in the Guards. Wright had shifted on his chair. ‘I’d had a few punishments, got a stripe and they had taken it away. But they didn’t mind if you’d been in a bit of trouble, as long as you could think for yourself.’10
Holmes, Wright, Dowland and Kosbab shared a tent at Kabrit and the Guardsmen soon discovered the unorthodox way of life in their new unit. ‘I went into one of [the] ablutions one day which was just a bloody trough,’ recounted Holmes. ‘I looked to my left and there was a German washing. Then the SAS corporal says “OK Jerry, ﬁnished?” And they walked out chatting to one another.’
‘I’d had a few punishments, got a stripe and they had taken it away. But they didn’t mind if you’d been in a bit of trouble, as long as you could think for yourself.’ Doug Wright In charge of physical training at Kabrit was Sergeant-Major Gus Glaze, known as ‘Nelly’ to the former Grenadiers. Holmes remembered that he liked to pit the Guards against the line regiments, stoking up a good-natured rivalry in games of football, rugby and basketball.
Not long after he had arrived at Kabrit Holmes encountered Cyril Feebery, recently returned from operations ‘up the Blue’, as the SAS nicknamed the interior of the North African desert. The pair knew each other from their days in the Grenadier Guards. ‘I’d recently completed my training when I ran into Feebery,’ recalled Holmes. ‘He suggested I join him in the SBS, so I did.’
Duggie Pomford joined the South Lancashire Fusiliers on the outbreak of war before volunteering for Special Boat Section and then the Special Air Service. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
Members of L Squadron at Athlit in 1943. (Courtesy of David Henry)
Also recruited to the SBS at this time was Keith Killby, a man who could not have been more different in character to the pugnacious Guardsmen. Born in south London in 1916, Killby was a conscientious objector who refused to take up arms but had no hesitation in enlisting in the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC). In May 1942, during the ferocious battle of Gazala in Libya, Killby had been praised by his commanding ofﬁcer for exhibiting ‘courage and devotion to duty in assisting with the treatment of German wounded under shellﬁre’.11 Killby initially volunteered for the SAS because he believed the initials stood for the ‘Special Ambulance Service’. An additional sixpence a day was on offer, and the chance to learn to parachute. Killby discovered the truth upon reaching Kabrit and was sure he would be wasting his time. ‘But then I saw some ofﬁcers playing a game of rugby and I recognized a school friend [from Lancing College in Sussex]. It was Tommy Langton and I said to him “You won’t want one of me.” He replied, “I don’t know, I’ll talk to Jellicoe.” Jellicoe saw me and he said, “If you’re willing to do the medical work you’re OK.”’12 Following Stirling’s capture D Squadron were kept busy throughout February and early March as their fate was decided by well-dressed staff ofﬁcers in Cairo. They went off in small batches to complete courses at the British Parachute School at Ramat David in Palestine; they practised canoeing and laying explosives and they embarked on several training exercises in the Cairo–Suez Road area. On one occasion they launched a mock attack against an Anglo-Egyptian oil reﬁnery, but the men could sense these exercises were merely a case of ofﬁcers ﬁnding work for idle hands.
David Stirling scoured Middle East training depots, such as this one, in his search for recruits to the SAS in the autumn of 1942. (Courtesy of the Evans family)
egend has it that the ofﬁcial birthday of the Special Boat Squadron is 1 April 1943, a myth created – accidentally or otherwise – by David Sutherland in his missive to John Lodwick shortly after the end of the war. After all, didn’t that encapsulate the rather impish nature of the unit, the fact that it sprang to life on April Fool’s Day? In fact, as the war diary notes, the Special Boat Squadron entered this world nearly a fortnight earlier, on the far more prosaic 19 March. That was the day the diarist recorded the following: Regiment reorganised into two parts. The Special Boat Section [It took a while for the new name to sink in; on 7 April the war diary referred to the ‘SBS Squadron’] under Maj. Jellicoe and the Raiding Forces under Maj. Mayne. Various ofﬁcers and men who the new establishment is unable to cater for, have been warned for other jobs or units.1
On 1 April there is but a one-word entry in the war diary – ‘Training’. The second historical inaccuracy regarding the birth of the SBS concerns the date they left Kabrit for their new base at Athlit, approximately 8 miles south of Haifa in Palestine. In Lodwick’s book, The Filibusters, the move to Athlit and the
Corporals Napier and Martin Conby, Private Linder and (front) Sean O’Reilly looking unusually spick and span. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 27
Dick Holmes (far left) stands next to Jock Cree as they and some pals enjoy a rare day oﬀ from training in the early summer of 1943. (Courtesy of SAS Archive)
formation of the new unit dovetail on 1 April. But the war diary records that the SBS advance party arrived at Athlit on 23 March and welcomed the rest of the unit at 2200 hours on 30 March. Jellicoe had chosen well in establishing the squadron’s base at Athlit. In describing their new camp Sutherland recalled that it had ‘a crescent-shaped beach about a mile across with a ruined Crusader castle at one end, the sea turning azure in the changing sunlight and the steep Carmel hills behind’.2 The grass was carpeted with a myriad wild ﬂowers, suffusing the air with an incongruous aroma considering the nature of the training upon which the squadron was about to embark. Sutherland pitched a tent with a westerly view of the sea and designated it his ofﬁce.
In the days that followed the squadron’s arrival at Athlit a steady stream of new recruits appeared, so that by 17 April Jellicoe had under his command 13 ofﬁcers and 118 other ranks. Among the former were two men who would feature prominently in the evolution of the SBS. The ﬁrst was a 22-year-old Danish lieutenant called Anders Lassen, who arrived from 62 Commando. Tall, blond and rakishly handsome, Lassen arrived with a reputation as a natural born killer. He was skilled in the art of guerrilla ﬁghting, able to move across ground swiftly and noiselessly. He was also possessed of exceptional endurance, not to mention tactical intelligence, and he had another priceless quality. ‘He could anticipate the enemy’s reaction to any given situation,’ reﬂected Sutherland. ‘We used to say that he knew how the enemy would react before they knew themselves.’3 But what really marked out Lassen from his peers was his love of the kill. Although he already had a Military Cross to his name when he joined the SBS (awarded for commando operations in the Channel Islands), Lassen was now among men of equal courage and fury. But soldiers such as Duggie Pomford, Cyril Feebery and George Jellicoe killed the enemy because it was their duty; Lassen did so because he enjoyed it. Dick Holmes soon discovered that Lassen had an ‘ability to transform himself into a killing machine, to perform the task with a panache that earned him the reputation of a killer of Germans par excellence.’4 The other new arrival could not have been more different from Lassen. Walter Milner-Barry was a few weeks away from his 39th birthday when he joined the SBS. His breeding was impeccable, if a little eccentric, with one uncle knighted for his contribution to English literature while his aunt Annie, a Free Thought and Fabian lecturer, was responsible for organizing the 1888 London Matchgirls strike. Milner-Barry’s childhood was strict and austere. Charlie Chaplin ﬁlms were off-limits because his parents considered them a ‘moral danger’ and instead he was rigorously schooled, a regime that resulted in his winning a place at Cambridge to read history. Throughout the 1930s Milner-Barry worked for Shell in the Middle East and it was in the bar of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem that he learned of the outbreak of war. ‘Everybody instantly looking happy and cheered,’ he reminisced.5 Initially Milner-Barry enlisted in the Transjordan Frontier Force, ﬁrst seeing action in June 1941 when his unit engaged the Vichy French near Damascus. Having spent 1942 kicking his heels in Cairo, Milner-Barry joined the SBS for adventure.
Doug Wright (foreground) was a formidable soldier who at times appeared fearless. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
COPY mme Subject: - Training Progra ces SBS Raiding For Ref. SBS/10 To: - O.C. R.F.H.Q k ending 25. April 1943. Training programme for wee & TSMG. rse at Jerusalem in Pistol 1. ‘S’ Detachment. - Cou . lit Ath & ia Syr Boating in ns atAthlit. rols Boating and Demolitio 2. ‘L’ Detachment. - 2 Pat ry at Athlit. ket Mus and 2 Patrols Camouflage il Apr h. 25t to d. 23r 3 Days Leave – ng, Musketry mbi Cli l Hil g, tin Boa g, Readin 3. ‘M’ Detachment. - Map at Athlit. ancies obtainable. Parachute course, if vac r on new W/T set and ice Off s Lecture by Signal 4. Signals. Procedure to Officers. onstration by is hoped to arrange a dem 5. Demonstration. - It judging MG in k, wee Capt. Schott, during Fire. (Sgd) J. Verney for Capt. Major. O.C. SBS Raiding Forces
FIELD RETURN As seen in the right-hand column of this SBS ‘Field Return’ the unit was still understrength a month after its formation.
Army Form W3009 TO BE MADE UP TO AND FOR SATURDAY IN EACH WEEK FIELD RETURN OF OTHER RANKS Special Boat Squadron (Unit). 17th April 1943 (Date) . (To be furnished by all Units of Cavalry, Royal Armoured Corps, Infantry, Royal Army Vetinary Corps, Royal Army Pay Corps, Army Educational Corps, Corps of Military Police, and all Headquarters units). Part A. Strength, Surplus or Reinforcements Requir ed 1
Posted strength counting against authorized establishment (excluding attached)
Surplus to Establishment
Reinforcements Required (i.e. deficits on establishment)
W.Os Class I W.Os Class II
W.Os Class III Squadron or Company QuartermasterSergeants OR Colour Sergeants Staff Sergeants
Buglers, Trumpeters, etc Corporals
Troopers, Privates, Guardsmen, Fusiliers, etc
56 These totals should agree with the details shown in Part D on page 2 of Army Form W.3009
On arriving at Athlit he was informed he would be David Sutherland’s second-in-command. Milner-Barry was satisﬁed with the arrangement, as he was with his new home. ‘The camp is certainly on a most beautiful site,’ he wrote in his diary. ‘Very near the sea and with a lovely view of Athlit castle. Also at present covered with wild ﬂowers of every kind.’6 Sutherland was likewise happy with the posting. ‘He was an important foil to our simpler, even naïve, impatience,’ he wrote of Milner-Barry. ‘Among his grey hairs there was much wisdom about the strategic and political aspects of SBS operations.’7 __________ Jellicoe reconstituted his squadron into three squadrons: L, M and S, the initials denoting the surnames of the three commanders: Tommy Langton, Fitzroy Maclean and David Sutherland. Each squadron was divided into four ‘patrols’ (later increased to ﬁve) of ten men with at least one signaller assigned to each of the 12 patrols.
FROM SERVICE TO SQUADRON the road by going under a culvert. Stopped to cook lunch and then did a long hill climb … ﬁnally rendezvousing at 10pm up a valley at a crossroads … attitude of various members of the patrol interesting … corporal Lewis rather non cooperative and blasé but they did the actual work alright.8
On the return to camp, however, Lewis strayed into a Jewish village in the hope of ﬁnding a beer. The normally equitable Milner-Barry was livid ‘and told David he must go!’ Sutherland agreed, so did Jellicoe, but when Lewis was informed he was being Returned to Unit (RTU’d) ‘there were awkward scenes with the man and as a result 3 other members resigned or rather asked to be RTU’d’. If the trio had been hoping to call Jellicoe’s bluff they had underestimated their commanding ofﬁcer. The quartet were soon on their way back to Egypt. ‘The whole affair was rather unpleasant and upset me a good deal,’ Milner-Barry conﬁded to his diary.9 Jellicoe would have been less perturbed; better to ﬁnd out the ﬂaws in a man’s character on an exercise than on an operation. Other than that one incident the atmosphere at Athlit was agreeable. Dick Holmes recalled that he and his comrades in S Squadron ‘spent many happy hours’ swimming or playing other sports.10 They built a basketball court on the beach, while there were also regular games of rugby against the Special Raiding Squadron (SRS), based a few miles north at Azzib. The SBS always came off second best, but then the SRS was commanded by Paddy Mayne, who had won several caps for Ireland and the British Lions before the war. For the ﬁrst two weeks at Athlit the Special Boat Squadron had been a squadron light, but on 13 April Fitzoy Maclean arrived from Persia with four ofﬁcers and 100 men. M Squadron was here and immediately, observed Milner-Barry, the atmosphere changed. ‘Fitzroy’s ideas of discipline differed from the rather free and easy methods of George [Jellicoe] and David [Sutherland],’ he wrote in his diary, adding that M Squadron ‘created some mirth by marching into the sea for their early morning swim, whereas the rest of us bathed as we felt like it, after the inevitable PT and games, merely stripping off our shorts at the water’s edge. The atmosphere in the ofﬁcers Mess also became somewhat stilted.’11 It is not hard to imagine Maclean intimidating most of the Mess. He was
Before the war Pomford had been one of the best amateur boxers in England and he sparred whenever he could in the desert. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
The variety of the training the SBS were subjected to in the early summer of 1943 was to stand them in good stead when operations began. Captain Walter Milner-Barry (foreground) was older than the average SBS recruit but he proved an eﬃcient and popular oﬃcer. (Courtesy of the SBS Archives)
The temple of Bacchus, considered by David Sutherland to be the ‘most impressive relics in the Levant’ when he visited them in 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
older, wiser and far more travelled than his fellow SBS ofﬁcers and his status as a sitting Member of Parliament (MP) was another reason to hold him in awe. Jellicoe’s approach to leadership was different. Described by a fellow ofﬁcer as having a gift for irony, Jellicoe was remembered by Dick Holmes as being ‘laid back and brave, and a very good commander’. He also had the priceless ability, in the eyes of his men, ‘of being able to get whatever he wanted from depots, whether it was jeeps for operations or pork chops for supper’. One of the most inexperienced ofﬁcers in the ofﬁcers’ mess was 23-year-old Lieutenant Kenneth Lamonby. Commissioned into the Suffolk Regiment in December 1940, Lamonby was untested in battle but had been accepted into the SBS on account of his seafaring skills. Lamonby was an expert sailor, and so he was put in charge of instructing S Squadron in sea training. On 16 April the war diary noted that ‘the boating of the SBS is gradually improving since the rough seas have subsided and more settled weather has come’.12 Six days later the sea was being used for another purpose, as Milner-Barry noted in his diary on 22 April: ‘In the morning did some Tommy gun shooting at our bathing beach using petrol tins ﬁlled with sand and ﬁring seawards.’13 For pistol training the SBS were sent in small groups to attend a course in Jerusalem run by the legendary Leonard Hector Grant-Taylor. There are so many stories swirling round Grant-Taylor that it is hard to separate the real from the
apocryphal. Was it the visit of the Buffalo Bill Wild West Show to Scotland in 1903 that started his schoolboy obsession with pistols? Did he really learn to shoot on a Montana ranch? And how much truth was there in the rumour that he was loaned by the British government to the Chicago Police Department in the 1920s to help ﬁght Al Capone’s gangsters? Even his wartime activities are shrouded in mystery. There are claims that he led an assassination team to Norway in 1940 to despatch several collaborators, although no evidence exists to substantiate the claim; and would the British government really have sent on such a dangerous mission a 49-year-old overweight man, one who during the Great War had been deemed a better instructor than a front-line soldier? What is not in doubt is that Grant-Taylor – with the rank of lieutenant – schooled commandos in close-quarter shooting in late 1940. David Sutherland came under his tutelage at this time and recalled that he ‘taught us to nail a playing card at 20 paces’.14 This was because Grant-Taylor insisted that all his pupils must concentrate their shots on a target zone the size of a playing card. Grant-Taylor also instructed Special Operations Executives (SOE) before they were sent into occupied Europe, and by 1943 he was based in Jerusalem.* The ﬁrst batch of SBS personnel, two ofﬁcers and seven other ranks, were sent there on 11 April ‘for a course of Instruction in the pistol’.15 Grant-Taylor was in the habit of welcoming his pupils with a brief introduction about his school and its techniques: ‘This is a school for murder, murder is my business. Not the vague shooting of people in combat, but the personal, individual killing of a man in cold blood. It’s an art which you have to study, practise and perfect.’ Once the practical instruction started Grant-Taylor taught the SBS how to adopt a battle crouch, ‘an offensive stance [showing] the gunman means business’. Then they must raise the pistol on a centre line, through the target, before ﬁring with ‘the forearm parallel to the ground, bent, at navel height’.16 Dick Holmes remembered that the ﬁrst impression of Grant-Taylor was misleading. ‘He was a little tubby fellow, but he was good. There was no pissing about with him and he taught us well.’ Once the SBS had received instruction from Grant-Taylor they returned to Athlit and put into practice all they had learned using .38 Smith & Wessons and Colt 45s. By early May a typical week for the SBS included foreign weapon training, pistol shooting, demolitions and a ‘paddle to Haifa’.17 Ofﬁcers and men alike had to be proﬁcient in all aspects of training, one of the characteristics of the SBS that appealed to Captain John Verney, erstwhile of the * After the war Grant-Taylor became an instructor to the Palestine Police and published a shooting manual entitled Close Quarter Battle.
North Somerset Yeomanry and the son of a baronet. ‘I found peace,’ he wrote in comparing the two, ‘in a unit where ofﬁcers and men shared their hardships on a more nearly equal basis.’18 However, added Verney, there was far more required to be a successful SBS operator than just accurate marksmanship: We pretty soon came to know one another’s physical and mental capacities, and with them our own. Strength and skill were respected, and a fair degree of both were essential, but everyone recognised that there were other qualities, such as a cool head, or a good temper, that might well prove more valuable. On our type of operation the man who could make you laugh was more worth while having than the bore who could shoot straight.19
The Crusader castle ruins at Athlit. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
On 2 May Azzib staged the Palestine sports programme. The men of the Special Boat Squadron and the Special Raiding Squadron didn’t yet know it but training was about to intensify in preparation for the ﬁrst operations at the end of the month. A day of sport and beer was Jellicoe and Paddy Mayne’s way of having one ﬁnal blowout before the hard work began in earnest. To give the day more of an edge, invitations were extended to an Ofﬁcer Cadets Training Unit (OCTU) and an unnamed New Zealand regiment stationed in Palestine. ‘The meeting was a great success,’ explained the SBS diary. ‘The New Zealanders provided plenty of beer and the tote made a proﬁt of £17, out of which a shield is being made for the winning team.’20 It was the war diarist’s sad duty to record that OCTU won overall, with the SBS second ahead of the SRS. At any rate OCTU triumphed on the sports ﬁeld; where the consumption of beer was concerned the SBS and SRS showed the opposition a clean pair of heels. Dick Holmes was limbering up to compete in the shot putt when one of his former commando comrades now in the SRS – Harold ‘Ginger’ Brook – invited him and another soldier into his tent. ‘Waiting was a crate of beer,’ recalled Holmes, who proceeded to chug back a couple of bottles before being called upon to
compete. ‘I made my ﬁrst three putts still wearing my bush jacket and my brothel creeper shoes. But I made a good enough shot to qualify for the ﬁnal.’ Holmes scurried back to the tent and got stuck into more beer. ‘The ﬁnal took place in the mid-afternoon and by this time I was well pissed,’ he recounted. Not only was Holmes three sheets to the wind but he was also facing a formidable opponent in Lieutenant Oscar Heidenstam of OCTU. The 32-year-old Heidenstam was a pioneer of body-building, or what was known in the 1930s as ‘physical excellence’. In 1937 he was crowned Mr Britain and two years later he travelled to France and triumphed in the Grand Prix event organized by the Federation Française de Culture, the forerunner to Mr Europe. In short, Heidenstam fancied his chances in the Palestine sports programme. ‘Heidenstam came out of a tent wearing a natty blue singlet and looking very pleased with himself,’ recalled Holmes. ‘Then he struck a pose, ﬂexing his muscles. We all found it hilarious and thereafter it was adopted by the squadron as our gesture of strength!’ Going into the ﬁnal round of putts, Heidenstam was in ﬁrst place with an effort of 29 feet and Holmes was in second, 6 inches shy of that mark. ‘For my last effort my two mates insisted that I remove my beret and my bush jacket,’ said Holmes. ‘They then made a great show of massaging my arms urging me on. Quite a crowd had gathered as I stepped up for my last putt, the last of the contest.’ With a herculean effort Holmes threw the putt 29 feet and 3 inches, beating Heidenstam and his rippling muscles into second place. ‘The crowd went wild and through my drunken haze I accepted the congratulations of the big man, Paddy Mayne.’ Heidenstam salvaged his honour in the high jump, beating James Baker of the SRS into second place, while Aylmer Sparrow gave the special forces more reasons to cheer with a rousing run in the mile, even if, according to Holmes, ‘he was probably as drunk as I was’.* There were hangovers aplenty the following day, Monday 3 May, when training recommenced. Four members of the Special Raiding Squadron were admitted to hospital; whether for sore heads or otherwise was not recorded by the war diarist. The Special Boat Squadron training programme for the week described Monday afternoon’s activities as ‘General toughening up in swimming, marching and load carrying.’21 Another clue that their weeks of relative inactivity would soon be over was the departure of a group of SBS personnel to Beirut to test the new Davis submarine escape equipment, a breathing and buoyancy bag used by submariners and frogmen. * Both Baker and Sparrow were killed on subsequent operations.
On 4 May Tommy Langton’s L Squadron marched out of Athlit and headed east towards Lake Tiberias, a distance of 45 miles over rough and difﬁcult country. Sid Dowland described the exercise as ‘horrible’ because: ‘The more we marched inland the hotter it became. There was no cooling sea breeze just a baking hot sun. It was a good lesson in water discipline. The likes of me, Kosbab and Doug [Wright] had learned about water discipline the hard way but others really struggled on that march.’22 While L Squadron were toiling under a cruel sun, S Squadron were preparing for Operation Bronx, a training exercise designed with the impending invasion of Sicily in mind. On 5 May Captain Milner-Barry attended a conference at the Parachute Brigade HQ where he was informed that a company of paratroopers would attack objectives on the Cyprus coast eight days hence. ‘The role of the SBS,’ wrote Milner-Barry, ‘was to get signallers of the Brigade to the dropping zone and protect them while they were guiding in the aircraft by means of the REBECCA wireless set.’23 Meanwhile another S Squadron patrol consisting of ten soldiers, two signallers and a medical orderly would ‘test the local defences’ around the Syrian coastal town of Latakia on the night of 14 May. Each raider was issued with a list of clothing and equipment to draw from the quartermaster’s stores, including: ‘Desert boots or any
The coastline close to Athlit where the SBS trained in the early summer of 1943. (Courtesy (Cou (C ourt rtes rt esyy off tthe he SSBS he BS Archive) Arch Ar chi hiv ive))
strong marching boot … Arab headdress … web belt and holster pouches, 6 per man, German depending on availability … Italian rucksack … knife … string and rope … dovers cream [a mosquito repellent].’24 In addition three pairs of binoculars were issued to each patrol as well as a similar number of sniper’s nets and two pairs of wire cutters. Milner-Barry’s patrol sailed towards Cyprus in a 100-ton schooner called Apostolos and, having anchored off the east coast near the old battlements of Famagusta, the SBS raiders paddled ashore unobserved. Or so they thought. The men had just ﬁnished camouﬂaging their folboats when a searchlight picked up the Apostolos and held the boat in its beam. Milner-Barry described what happened next in his report of the incident: The signaller I had left onboard promptly got working with a ﬂashlight, but this did not prevent a shot being ﬁred over the ship. I was not unduly disturbed by this … it is customary to ﬁre a shot across a ship’s bow to bring her to. In this case the ship had been anchored for three quarters of an hour, but it was a dark night. When a second shot was ﬁred, however, closer than the ﬁrst, it was obvious that some misunderstanding had occurred, and I sent in one of my party, a gunner, to the fort just above the landing place to telephone the Battery Commander to stop shooting as we were merely taking part in an exercise.25
exercise the Frenchmen were piqued at being outmanoeuvred and refused to enter into the spirit of the occasion, ‘threaten[ing] the party with their riﬂes’.28 These weapons were loaded, but nonetheless the sentries were overpowered and disarmed by the SBS raiders. To teach the unsporting sentries a lesson, the commandos held them prisoner for an hour and then released them to the accompaniment of much Gallic profanity. The Frenchmen soon returned with reinforcements and Robinson and Morris ‘decided to surrender and explain matters to the umpire’.29 Nearby No.2 party, including Corporal Sydney Greaves and privates Ray Jones and Leo Rice, the latter an Australian, had landed unobserved further up the coast. They moved inland and after a few hundred yards encountered a military camp. Challenged by an alert sentry, the SBS went to ground among the sand dunes as a shot ran out. Greaves and Jones were captured by a patrol despatched from the camp, while Rice evaded his pursuers and set off towards Latakia. Just after daylight he too was caught and after spending two hours in French hands – during which time his cigarettes were conﬁscated much to his annoyance – Rice was released by the umpire. Although at ﬁrst glance the exercise appeared a failure, as a lesson in seaborne raiding techniques it had proved invaluable experience. In his report of the mock attack, Dick Morris commented:
Ken Lamonby (left) is guided back to the SBS base by a young boy at the end of a hard day’s march. The backpack he has on is an Italian one with which the SBS experimented. (Courtesy of SAS Archive)
Points brought out were, the time taken to bury the canoes, the necessity for each man to wear rubber soled boots and the virtual impossibility of hiding up in cultivated land without being discovered by natives … the wireless sets carried did not maintain communication and after receiving one message they broke down. The signallers and the medical orderly who had not worked with the patrol before proved to be ﬁt and efﬁcient men.30
n Friday 28 May the men of L Squadron were given a break from training. They spent the afternoon in Haifa at the cinema watching Nova Pilbeam and Jack Hawkins in The Next of Kin. The next day they drew kits in preparation for their departure from Athlit and on the morning of 30 May L Squadron ‘proceeded to an unknown destination’.1 Tommy Langton was too ill to lead them so Captain John Verney took over command. Two weeks later the six ofﬁcers and 50 men reached their destination in Philippeville (now called Skikda), north-eastern Algeria, ‘tired and dirty from hastening three thousand miles across North Africa in summer dust and heat’.2 Verney knew nothing of the reason behind the move, ‘beyond the common knowledge that a combined force was assembling in Algiers and Tunis to invade – where? Greece, Italy, Sicily, the South of France even?’3 The men embarked upon a new phase in their training in the warm waters of the Mediterranean Sea. They practised launching inﬂatable boats from submarines, in the day and at night. The next task was to exit the submarine in the dark 2 or 3 miles offshore and then paddle towards a stretch of beach on a compass bearing provided by the Royal Navy: in theory not too difﬁcult a task but in practice a challenge, given the current and wind.
The SBS trained on caiques, traditional Greek ﬁshing boats that proved ideal for clandestine warfare. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 43
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY Passing the Source d’antillias on return from one week’s exercise in the hills in May 1943 are Duggie Pomford, Grainger Laverick and Marine Watson. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
and it was feared that German aircraft would inﬂict heavy losses to the invasion ﬂeet from their bases in Sardinia. The task of L Squadron, in conjunction with ongoing raids by the RAF, was to launch a series of sabotage attacks on six Sardinian airﬁelds. John Verney recalled Jellicoe’s words at the brieﬁng: There are roughly two hundred German bombers dispersed over the half-dozen airﬁelds we hope to attack. Each bomber is potentially capable of sinking a troop carrier, that is of putting perhaps 2,000 men out of action before the Sicily landing. If, between us, we succeed in destroying only one German bomber, then the operation will have been worth attempting. And, of course, I believe we shall destroy many more than that.6
Jellicoe then went into detail about the attacks, explaining that a submarine would land small parties of raiders on the west coast of Sardinia on three consecutive nights – 30 June, 1 July and 2 July. Each of the three parties would comprise two
Jack Nicholson and his two best friends. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
The boiling sun made all training exercises in the Transjordan a real challenge for the men. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
ofﬁcers and 12 men and would sub-divide once ashore, giving six raiding parties in total, each of one ofﬁcer and six men. Meanwhile a second submarine would deposit a fourth party on the east coast who would establish a rendezvous point from which a submarine would return on 24 July. It was audacious, ambitious and, in the men’s eyes, wildly optimistic to expect that they could evade capture for more than three weeks on an island swarming with enemy troops. ‘In a way the craziness of the project was its attraction,’ reﬂected Verney. ‘Whatever each of us may have felt privately about the chances of success, we agreed with them now that it was well worth attempting.’7 Sid Dowland’s patrol consisted of Sergeant-Major Cyril Feebery, Leonard Thomas and Frank Noriega, with Lieutenant Allan Duggin in command. Jim Kosbab and Jumper Workman should have gone but they were bed-ridden. They were not the only ones. ‘At the time I was taking a lot to the sick bay,’ remembered Killby, who by now had also gone down with malaria. Nonetheless he requested – and was granted – permission to go on the operation to attend to the inevitable sick. One soldier who was refused permission to take part in Operation Hawthorn was Randolph Churchill, the Prime Minister’s son and a thorough nuisance to the
SBS. David Stirling had invited him into the SAS the previous year and subsequently admitted it had been a mistake. Churchill was fat, unﬁt and lazy. ‘Randolph wasn’t really interested in joining the SAS to ﬁght the Germans,’ recalled Stirling. ‘He wanted the insignia. He would wear whatever badge and rank seemed the most appropriate at the time for getting the best out of a situation.’8 Stirling’s capture curtailed Churchill’s days in the SAS so he next invited himself into the SBS and joined L Squadron in Philippeville. ‘He was most unpopular,’ said Killby. ‘I remember one incident very clearly. All ofﬁcers had to go off on a run and he set off with them but dropped back after ten minutes and came back to camp.’ Churchill was adamant that he was going on Operation Hawthorn. Jellicoe had seen at ﬁrst hand in 1942 how unsuited Churchill was to special forces soldiering; he appeared, however, to acquiesce to Churchill’s demands, designating him one of the six patrol leaders. But behind the scenes Jellicoe cabled Middle East HQ and an order soon arrived instructing Churchill that he was not to go on the mission – the risk of his being captured was too great. Everyone’s face had been saved. Shortly before the raiding party left Algiers an American soldier of Italian extraction called Louis Tempanyro was attached to Captain Ian Brinkworth’s patrol. Tempanyro knew Sardinia and could speak Italian, and was to act as Hawthorn’s guide. ‘It was stupid, he hadn’t even really volunteered,’ reﬂected Killby of the decision to employ Tempanyro. ‘Normally the SBS vetted people very thoroughly. Within an hour of meeting him I disliked him.’
Brinkworth’s party sailed from Algiers aboard a submarine on 27 June and arrived at their destination four days later without mishap. First they destroyed their rubber boats and Mae Wests and then struck off in the darkness towards their target airﬁeld. ‘We marched on our bearing for about three hours,’ wrote Sergeant Pat Scully in his report of the mission. ‘On reaching a very steep wadi we made our way down. On arriving at the bottom we checked up on personnel and found the American guide Louis Tempanyro missing. We searched all over for him but could not ﬁnd him.’9 It was now daylight. They had lost their guide and Wilson, the signaller, and another soldier were feverish with malaria. Brinkworth ordered them to lie up in the wadi and wait until dusk. For ﬁve days and nights the party made painstakingly slow progress towards their target until eventually Brinkworth split up the party. Scully was detailed to remain with the sick men and their heavy kit while the rest of them proceeded to the airﬁeld laden with bombs. Lieutenant John Cochran’s party reached the east coast of Sardinia at daybreak on 2 July and at nightfall, remembered Killby, the submarine surfaced. ‘We got into the rubber boats and by this time I was useless [with malaria]. The other two men had to paddle and then practically drag me up the beach. I lay delirious for two days and the only thing I remember saying is to the ofﬁcer “Go and leave me beside the road, they’ll pick me up”. Of course he said that they couldn’t do that because it would give the game away.’
It was Cochran’s job to establish a base camp and wait for the arrival of the sabotage parties once they had accomplished their missions. The stretch of coastline on which they had landed was isolated and in the ﬁrst ﬁve days they spotted just one lone ﬁgure in the distance. By now Killby’s fever had broken but James Murray, one of the men who had dragged him up the landing beach, had succumbed to malaria. Duggin’s patrol, along with Captain John Thomson’s, had come ashore on the south-west coast near Capo Pecora on 30 June minus Doug Wright. ‘I was as sick as a dog with malaria,’ Wright said. ‘Keith Killby had done a great job looking after me in Algiers but I spent the whole voyage in a raging fever. In the end they decided I was too sick to leave the sub.’10 The party grew smaller still shortly after landing. Sid Dowland and Leonard Thomas, both suffering the effects of malaria, became separated from Duggin, Feebery and Noriega as they carried out an initial reconnaissance. ‘I never did a job with the SBS or SAS that went entirely according to plan,’ reﬂected Cyril Feebery. ‘However carefully you had thought things through beforehand, sooner or later something would happen that meant you had to start making it up as you went along.’11 Dowland and Thomas climbed a rocky escarpment in search of a suitable spot to lie up and take stock of their situation, but the effort required exhausted them both. Thomas collapsed. Dowland made his friend comfortable and then descended the hillside to reﬁll their water bottles from a stream. On his return he could ﬁnd no trace of Thomas. When he did eventually locate Thomas it was clear to Dowland he was in trouble. His breathing was short and shallow and there was no coherence to the words he was mumbling. Dowland nursed Thomas as best he could, dampening his brow with a wet rag and spoon-feeding him stewed apricots. But his tending was to no avail. The 20-year-old Lancastrian died at dusk. Dowland dug a hole with his small entrenching tool and laid Thomas and his equipment inside, having ﬁrst removed his rations and ammunition. He said a quick prayer and then struck out east towards the rendezvous beach where Cochran, Killby and the others were waiting.
Despite the intensive training at Athlit there was time to relax with swimming and games of basketball and rugby. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY L–R: back row: Duggie Pomford, Jack Nicholson, Ray Jones and Hank Hancock. Front row: Patsy Henderson and Leo ‘Digger’ Rice. This photo was taken on Leros in autumn 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Despite the attempts at intimidation the interrogation remained within the bounds of the Geneva Convention. Early the next morning Scully and his comrades were taken outside to a parked truck and to his astonishment he recognized one face after another: Captain Thomson, Lieutenant Cochran, Sergeant Cass, privates Killby and Murray, signalmen Schoﬁeld and Johnstone. For the ﬁrst 15 miles of the journey the prisoners exchanged stories with Captain Thomson, including the sad news that Sergeant Duncan McKerracher and Private Bill Thomas (one of the half dozen Grenadier Guardsmen who had volunteered for the SAS in late 1942) had both died of malaria. Then the truck stopped to collect two more passengers – Corporal Shackleton and Private Gill. ‘They told Captain Thomson that they had been in chains for two days,’ said Scully, who added that ‘most of the boys were sick’.13 The men were driven many miles north to Sassari, Sardinia’s second largest city and a place rich in culture and history. ‘The treatment there was terrible,’ commented Scully, although Killby recalled it differently. ‘We were very well treated,’ he said. ‘As I could speak a little Italian I was told to ﬁnd out if we were going to be shot. So I asked in terrible Italian “are you going to shoot us?” and they said “no, of course not”.’14 On his ﬁfth day of captivity Scully’s cell door opened and Sid Dowland was pushed inside. Having buried Leonard Thomas, Dowland had trekked east with the aim of reaching the rendezvous. On his third day he reached the village of Montevicchio in the late afternoon. ‘I should really have skirted round the outside of the village,’ reﬂected Dowland. ‘But I was still weak and tired and I just wanted to get to the rendezvous. I waited until darkness and when everything appeared quiet I set off.’15 Dowland moved slowly through the village, his rubber-soled boots betraying no hint of his presence on the cobbled street. As the dwellings began to peter out Dowland relaxed. Then a dog began barking. Dowland took off into the darkness, darting into an olive grove and running as fast as his weak legs could carry him. When he paused for a rest he heard the sound of more dogs and of their owners. He pushed on and eventually the noises faded, but the chase had shattered his emaciated body. Dowland spent most of the following day recovering and towards dusk he was captured by an Italian patrol.
Sean O’Reilly, 41, loved beer and women, and ﬁghting Germans. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Dowland told Scully his story, adding that his captors ‘had kept him in solitary conﬁnement for three days in an effort to break his morale’.16 More SBS soldiers arrived in the next few days including Captain Brinkworth, and the remnants of Allan Duggin’s patrol. They had reached the airﬁeld, observed the aircraft and then practically wept with frustration as the Italians doubled the guard and reinforced the perimeter with thick coils of barbed wire. There were British commandos on the island and they were taking no chances. By now Duggin was useless with malaria, insisting in his rare moments of lucidity that Sergeant-Major Feebery leave him. Eventually Feebery realised that he and Noriega had no other choice. ‘I went through the lieutenant’s pockets, taking his maps and revolver,’ Feebery remembered. ‘His water bottle was half full, so we bound it round his wrist where he couldn’t miss it if he woke up and needed a drink.’ Feebery and Noriega eased the unconscious ofﬁcer into his sleeping bag and carried him through the darkness towards a guard post they had passed a short while earlier. ‘We lifted the lieutenant onto the grass verge, left him as comfortable as we could and legged it for the coast,’ said Feebery.17 They made it to the rendezvous but found not Lieutenant Cochran’s party but a squad of Italian military police, or Carabinieri.
soon as the German was out of sight the British commandos left the path and headed off across country. A few minutes later, at exactly 0400 hours, their bombs began to go off. ‘We felt the blast,’ wrote Verney. ‘We halted halfway up the hill and looked back. Another seven explosions followed in the next two or three minutes. The noises and ﬂashes were terriﬁc.’18 According to Verney’s account of Operation Hawthorn in the ﬁrst installment of his war memoirs, Going to the Wars, published in 1955, he, Brown and Scott evaded capture for 12 days before they were ﬁnally apprehended by Italian Carabinieri. In his report of the operation, however, Sergeant Scully states that Verney and his men were captured on 6 July. The prison in Sassari continued to swell with captured SBS soldiers including Louis Tempanyro. Although the American claimed he had been captured on 7 July, one of the guards informed the British prisoners that he had given himself up on 3 July because ‘he was fed up being messed about by the English’.19 Tempanyro had needed little encouragement to talk, revealing to his inquisitors everything he knew about the mission. In August the men were removed from their cells and marched on foot towards the coast. At every village they passed through, recalled Dowland, ‘people would turn out and give us bread, cheese or apples. They had nothing themselves but they would give you something. They were wonderful.’20 After more than a week on the move they reached a small port from where they sailed to Naples and an Italian prisoner of war camp. All except Sergeant Scully. Having contracted malaria in prison, he was then struck down by dysentery and was in hospital when his comrades left for Italy. A month later Scully was well enough to be put on a plane for Italy but no sooner had he landed than Italy sued for peace with the Allies. With the help of the US Army Scully made his way to Tunis by aircraft on 20 September and eventually back to the Special Boat Squadron. Only then did Jellicoe discover the true extent of the shambles of Operation Hawthorn.
Few soldiers in the SBS were as experienced as Sergeant Jack Nicholson. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
wo weeks after the departure of L Squadron from Athlit, on 13 June Fitzroy Maclean led his M Squadron north to Zahle, ‘high up in the mountains behind Beirut’.1 It was a move that suited everyone; Maclean was pleased to be away from what he considered the more disreputable elements of the Special Boat Squadron and S Squadron were happy to be free of a unit they perceived to be too regimental. On 17 June there was another round of farewells although these ones, at least from Walter Milner-Barry’s perspective, were more heartfelt as S Squadron were deployed piecemeal. ‘Andy [Lassen] and Ken [Lamonby] left with their troop leaving a feeling of emptiness behind,’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary.2 S Squadron was further diminished in number when David Sutherland, along with 12 other ranks, departed for what the SBS war diary noted as an ‘unknown destination’. Tucked into Sutherland’s battledress was Operation Instruction No.166, marked in capital letters: ‘MOST SECRET. OFFICER ONLY’. It began: You will plan and carry out raids on the airﬁelds of HERAKLION, KASTELLI, PEDIADA and TYMBAKI, in accordance with the ‘Outline Plan for Airﬁeld Raids’ already issued to you … you will command patrols ‘B’, ‘C’ and ‘D’ from the time of landing until after re-embarkation. You will remain at the stores dump throughout
While on Crete the SBS ate what little food they had, all the while trying to remain hidden from the German occupiers. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 55
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY the operation and will be in communication with your patrols by wireless during the stated period of watch.3
Patsy Henderson took part in the raid on Crete in D patrol under the command of Lieutenant Ronald Rowe. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Further details followed in the Instruction and it ended with a reminder of D-Day – 4 July. Sutherland briefed the men as they travelled to Bardia, passing on his experiences of raiding Crete nearly a year earlier and reminding them of the importance of destroying as many enemy aircraft as possible in order to disrupt their offensive capabilities. By the time they sailed aboard a motor launch from Bardia at 0800 hours on 22 June, Sutherland had split his force into Patrols B and C. The latter, comprising Andy Lassen, Sergeant Les Nicholson, Corporal Sydney Greaves, Private Ray Jones and two signallers, would attack Kastelli. Meanwhile B Patrol, under Ken Lamonby and consisting of lance-corporals Dick Holmes and Billy Whitehead and Private Eddy Sapshead, would make for Heraklion. In addition the third patrol, ‘D’, led by Lieutenant Ronald Rowe and consisting of Patsy Henderson, Martin ‘Gyppo’ Conby and Mick D’Arcy, were scheduled to arrive in Crete in four days’ time before heading inland towards their target of Tymbiaki airﬁeld. (Pediada airﬁeld was dropped as a potential target for logistical reasons.) For most of the men on the raid this was their ﬁrst experience of guerrilla warfare. Only Sutherland and Lassen knew of the challenges in attacking targets deep inside enemy territory. Fresh in the minds of Greaves, Nicholson and Jones would have been the bungled exercise Bronx six weeks earlier when they had attacked Latakia without much success. Now they were going in for real and Holmes recalled his ‘heart pounding like shit’ as they approached the landing beach a quarter of a mile west of Cape Kokinoxos on the southern side of Crete. The raiders paddled ashore using the launch’s dingy and one rubber ﬂoat and by 0115 hours on 23 June everyone was safely ashore and scrambling up the boulder-strewn shale. ‘All surplus equipment was concealed at the rear of the beach, and [the] party moved off to lying-up area,’ wrote Sutherland in his operational report. ‘The going was extremely rough, and owing to the exceptionally heavy loads carried (between 70 and 80lbs per man) and the fact that the guides were not certain of the route, the party did not reach the lying-up position, approximately two miles from the beach, until just after ﬁrst light.’4
Sutherland established his supply dump, stashing rations, equipment and wireless sets in a series of small caves either side of a small wadi. Lassen and Lamonby led their patrols a quarter mile up the wadi into a deep gorge, whereupon lookouts were posted and water collected from a source located by one of the guides, a Cretan teenager named Janni. At daybreak Sutherland took a small party back to the landing beach from where they collected the two heavy wireless batteries required by the two patrols. ‘After ﬁnal instructions had been given Patrols “B” and “C” left for the target areas at 1830 hrs,’ wrote Sutherland in his report. ‘No civilians or enemy were observed throughout the day.’5 The two patrols soon discovered that the terrain that had greeted them upon arrival in Crete was even more brutal inland. The ground was steep and rocky, interspersed with thick areas of thorn bushes that slashed any area of exposed skin. Then there was the temperature: bitterly cold at night and unbearably hot during the day. For the ﬁrst two days and nights the two patrols trekked north together. ‘Our rucksacks were these big Italian packs,’ recalled Holmes. ‘They had no framework and so we put a groundsheet between our clothes and the pack otherwise they chafed the skin.’6 Not long into the 35-mile march north Eddie Sapshead damaged his ankle in a fall. ‘Lamonby was all for leaving him behind but I said “no, we will need his
These images show the terrain that confronted the raiding party when they landed on Crete on the night of 23 June 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
ring of sentries was posted around the airﬁeld, and under the wing of each Stuka loitered a guard. Lassen was unconcerned by this detail; it just made the mission all the more challenging. Detailing Nicholson and Greaves to approach the target from the south, he and Jones made for the northern side of the airﬁeld with the aim of destroying the bombers. The four raiders carried Lewes bombs that had been invented by Jock Lewes at Kabrit in the summer of 1941. Lewes had been killed in one of the ﬁrst SAS operations but his eponymous creation lived on and was much loved by the SBS. An individual Lewes bomb was not much to look at, a stodgy lump weighing just 1lb and consisting of plastic explosive and thermite rolled in motor car oil. Added to this was a No.27 detonator, an instantaneous fuse and a time pencil. A time pencil, as one SAS soldier had explained to his diary in early 1942, … looked a bit like a ‘biro’ pen. It was a glass tube with a spring-loaded striker held in place by a strip of copper wire. At the top was a glass phial containing acid which you squeezed gently to break. The acid would then eat through the wire and release the striker. Obviously the thicker the wire the longer the delay before
Lieutenant Ken Lamonby, Private Sharp, Dick Holmes, Eddie Sapshead and Signaller Viv Schoet, thought to be taken at Mersa Matruh, just prior to the raid on Crete that cost Lamonby his life. (Imperial War Museum, HU 71395)
THE HE SBS SBS BS IN N WORL ORLD OR D WAR R III: I: AN ILLUSTR I: LLUSTRATED LLU LU USTR TR RATE TE ED HISTORY ISSST IST TORY ORY
Daavi David D vid Sutherland Suth Suth Su her erlla land d wrote wrot wr otee on n tthe he bback he ackk of ac of this thi th is p is photograph hotogr hoto grap aph h th that at he took it ‘of the party a few minutes before the Germans spotted us’. (Courtesy of SBS Archive)
th the he st striker rik ri iker ker wa wass tr tri triggered igggeere ig redd (the ((tthe he pencils pen nci cils were cil wer e e colour collour coded coddedd according acccor ordi dingg to di ding o the the length lenggth h of ffuse). use) us e)). Itt w was as aallll pput utt iinto n o a sm nt smal small alll co cott cotton tton on bbag ag aand ag ndd iitt pr pproved oved oved ed tto o bbee ccrude, rude ru de, bu butt ve very ryy effective. The thermite caused a ﬂash that ignited the petrol, not just blowing the wing off but sending the whole plane up.7
In the company of the Cretan guide, Greaves and Nicholson evaded the beam of the searchlight that darted through the blackness and cut their way through the Dannert fence without a noise. Once on the airﬁeld they headed for a Junkers 88 that had recently landed and placed a bomb on its left wing.* They did the same to a second Junkers 88 and were about to tackle the trickier problem of approaching the heavily guarded Stukas when pandemonium erupted on the other side of the airﬁeld. Initially all had gone well for Lassen and Jones. Having inﬁltrated the airﬁeld without problem the Dane made for the dive-bombers, ignoring his own earlier instructions stating that the Stukas were the preserve of Greaves and Nicholson. * From the beginning the SAS/SBS always chose the left wing on the advice of an RAF ofﬁcer, who had explained that every airﬁeld has spare wings but only a limited number of each.
Almost immediately Lassen was challenged by one of the perimeter guards. He tried to pass himself off as a German but the Italian sensed something was wrong. Lassen sensed it, too, and shot dead the Italian sentry. The shot brought the other guards running, but in all directions. Lassen and Jones melted into the darkness as Italians began ﬁring on each other. Meanwhile on the eastern side of the airﬁeld, Nicholson and Greaves exploited the mayhem and ran towards the Stukas. Who would notice two more excitable ﬁgures on such a night of confusion? The pair furnished two Stukas with Lewes bombs but before they could attend to the rest a lorry roared up and out jumped a dozen Italians to reinforce their nervous colleagues who had drifted away from their guard duties to watch the drama unfolding a few hundred yards to the west. Nicholson and Greaves prudently chose to withdraw, stealing away towards the fence and pausing momentarily to deposit their remaining bombs in a petrol dump.
base depot. At 1600 hours the next day, 5 July, Sutherland received a ‘success signal’ from one of the two signallers now reunited with Lassen. The message was a cause for celebration for Sutherland, particularly as on the same afternoon Lieutenant Ronald Rowe and his D Patrol – who had arrived in Crete four days after the other two patrols – had radioed base to report no aircraft on their target airﬁeld at Tymbaki. __________
Controlling the Cretans on the beach proved diﬃcult and, in order to prevent them moving oﬀ or alerting the Germans to the SBS presence, Sutherland had them rounded up and placed under guard. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
A similar problem had presented itself at Heraklion but thanks to the intelligence supplied by Janni, their teenage guide, B Patrol had modiﬁed their objective to a large fuel dump 5 miles from their hideout overlooking the village of Arkhanes. In the days waiting for D-Day Janni had observed the routine of the sentries and reported back to the British soldiers, explaining that during the day two guards patrolled the target, one on the petrol dump and another on the adjacent bomb dump. During the night a guard with a dog made three rounds of both dumps. At 2130 hours on the evening of 4 July Janni guided the four soldiers of B Patrol towards the target. Holmes by now had nothing but admiration for the ‘great skill and courage’ of his teenage accomplice who remained impassive as he led the raiders
down the hillside, across open ﬁelds and over the main road that connected Heraklion to Asimi. At 2300 hours they were within sight of the two dumps, and as they observed the target from a vineyard they saw a German ofﬁcer and his dog pass by. For 20 minutes they remained among the vines, devising their plan of attack. It was agreed that Holmes and Janni would deal with the petrol dump and the others would take care of the bomb dump, which was surrounded by wire. With that decided, Holmes and Janni ‘crept along a narrow gully which opened out on to a ﬂat area dotted with olive trees and there, not more than thirty yards away, was the ﬁrst dump’. There were three rows of barrels of petrol piled on top of each other. Holmes estimated there were about 50 in total, each barrel containing 60 gallons. Moving his haversack into a position from where he had easy access to his Lewes bombs, Holmes left Janni in the gully and edged forward towards the narrow opening built into the earthen wall that encircled the dump. Holmes remembered:
An SBS soldier rustles up a little supper with the little food he had left. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
I saw that there was a passage down the middle of the dump and I made my way down this until I reached the halfway point of the pile of barrels. I then pulled out a charge, pressed down on the time pencil and pushed the bomb as far under as I could reach, ﬁrst on the left side and then on the right. Then I made my way to the outside of the pile and pushed two more charges under the barrel of fuel.
water shortage at the dump, would only join me at the last moment before re-embarkation’.8 On 9 July Sutherland felt a rising sense of alarm at the non-appearance of the two patrols. To make matters worse his signaller, Sergeant Beagley, informed him that there was practically no power left in any of the four wireless batteries after three weeks of continuous use. But dawn on 10 July brought good news. Jack Nicholson and Sydney Greaves appeared with their Cretan guide, the two soldiers full of good cheer and quick to reassure Sutherland that the rest of the two patrols were laid up a two-hour march inland. A short while later a Greek agent working for SOE arrived at the dump with disturbing information: the Germans had shot 50 local men in reprisal for the raids, prompting 25 Cretans who in one way or another had provided assistance to the raiders to attach themselves to the SBS patrols.
Andy Lassen, David Sutherland and Ken Lamonby. This photo was taken minutes before a German patrol chanced upon their beach, leading to the death of Lamonby. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
‘Suddenly a shout of “Jerries” brought us all to our feet.’ Dick Holmes
The terrain on Crete made the approach to the target airﬁelds arduous and exhausting. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Sutherland decided to send an immediate signal requesting re-embarkation for the following night, 11 July, but no sooner had Beagley began transmitting the message than the wireless went dead. This was a potentially devastating turn of events. Without wireless power they were marooned on an enemy-occupied island and sure to be captured. Their only chance of salvation lay in getting the small No.11 Wireless transceiver from Lassen’s patrol, and joining it and its battery to the battery used by Lieutenant Rowe, in the hope that ‘by linking them up in series there would be enough power to send the rest of the message’.9 Sutherland thus sent two of his men to Rowe’s hideout to fetch his battery and another two to Lassen to bring back the transceiver and battery. It was a risk, to despatch four men in broad daylight while hundreds of enemy troops were engaged in a manhunt, but there was no other choice if they were to escape from the island. Holmes was lying in a small sun-baked gully when Sutherland’s two men arrived on their errand. Somehow, perhaps with his victory in the shotput ﬁnal fresh in the memory, Holmes found himself ordered to carry the battery back to the dump. ‘These things were heavy,’ he recalled. ‘But the man told us we had to get back as soon as possible because the signals sergeant wasn’t sure if we had enough juice to signal back to Cairo.’
By 1450 hours Sergeant Beagley had everything he needed to try to send the vital message once more. The tension was excruciating as he linked up the batteries to the transceiver but at 1500 hours he was able to tell Sutherland that the message had been successfully transmitted. Four hours later Beagley received conﬁrmation that the message had been received: a vessel would collect them the following night. At nightfall Sutherland gathered in B and C patrols and their 25 Cretan companions. The civilians were herded into a gorge and told to keep quiet. The SBS remained in the wadi on the lookout for Germans. Just after ﬁrst light on 11 July Lieutenant Rowe led his patrol into the dump, reporting to Sutherland that they had been obliged to leave their hideout on account of enemy activity in the area. Holmes remembered that the day ‘dragged interminably’ as they waited for the launch to arrive. The sun felt hotter than ever and they were desperately short of water. Some of the Cretans wanted to go off in search of some more but Sutherland ordered them to stay put and suffer under the sun. At 1500 hours a message was received to the effect that the vessel had sailed at 0500 hours and was on schedule to arrive off the beach at midnight. The news proved a tonic and the men began to
One of the two Germans captured by the SBS on Crete and brought back to Cairo. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Two of the crew of the motor launch who plucked the SBS oﬀ the beach at Crete as the Germans closed in. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Lassen and his men spent an hour and a half searching for Lamonby but at 2345 hours they returned to the beach ‘having seen no sign of this ofﬁcer’. At 2359 hours Sutherland began signalling the pre-arranged recognition signal out to sea. Holmes and the rest of B Patrol had now joined everyone else on the beach and he remembered staring into the darkness ‘fervently hoping’ to spot a response. For ten long minutes they waited, and then suddenly over the sound of the surf they heard an engine. Five minutes later the motor launch was visible and within a few minutes the ﬁrst of the Cretans were being shepherded on board. By 0100 hours everyone was off the beach, but Sutherland requested that they sail ‘slowly round C[ape] Kokinoxos and lay off the mouth of the wadi in which Lt Lamonby was last seen’.13 Commander Young complied but at 0130 hours, with Lamonby nowhere to be seen, they set sail for Mersa Matruh on the Egyptian coast. On the 17-hour voyage south the men wound down after their three-week ordeal. After a good sleep they larked about on deck, sunbathing and posing for photographs. They chatted to the two Germans, Heinz and Ulrich, and
admired their prisoners’ self-loading riﬂes, a design with which none of the British was familiar. Down in the wardroom Sutherland discussed with Lassen the likely fate of Lamonby. It was the Dane’s opinion that he ‘had been wounded and taken away by the Germans for interrogation’.14* Sutherland then sent a brief account of the operation by naval cypher over the ship’s radio. Middle East HQ replied at once, instructing Sutherland to bring the two prisoners to Cairo for interrogation. The launch arrived in Mersa Matruh at 1845 hours on 12 July and they set off by road almost immediately for Cairo. At nightfall they pulled off the road. Holmes recalled that ‘the prisoners had been issued with blankets and slept in the back of the truck while the rest of us dispersed over a fairly wide area and slipped into our sleeping bags’. No sentries were posted. Holmes woke a few hours later to the smell of bacon. ‘I climbed out of my bag and made my way round to the other side of the three-tonners where the smell seemed to originate. The two Germans were crouched down over a desert ﬁre cooking a huge heap of bacon. Ulrich and Heinz had found the ﬁrecan, poured on the fuel, lighted it, found the bacon and now breakfast was ready.’ On arriving in Cairo later that day the SBS decided to return the favour. Having dropped their three ofﬁcers (Sutherland, Lassen and Rowe) at the Shepheard’s Hotel, the men treated Heinz and Ulrich to a slap-up feed in Groppi’s, arguably the most famous café in Cairo. Holmes recalled that after three weeks on Crete, the SBS were bearded, dirty and unkempt, but the stares they received as they strode into Groppi’s ‘were nothing compared to the stares accorded the two Germans’. But the exploits of the SBS raiders were already well known in Cairo. Days after the attack, the Egyptian Mail newspaper boasted of a ‘Smash and Grab Land Raid on Crete Airﬁeld’. The point of the report, other than to lord it over the enemy, was to emphasise that the sabotage had been carried out by British soldiers. ‘None of the troops which landed on Crete either asked for or received any assistance from the inhabitants,’ lied the paper in the vain hope of preventing German reprisals.15 Jack Nicholson and Sydney Greaves then took the two Germans for a beer before ofﬁcially handing them over for interrogation. Middle East HQ got wind of their unusual dining party and took out their fury on Sutherland. He found it all rather amusing, telling his superiors that at least the prisoners were ‘handed over in a positive, co-operative frame of mind’.16 * Lamonby’s fate was only ascertained after the war when it was learned that he had been shot by one of the two Germans he was hunting, dying later of his wounds in a Heraklion hospital. He is buried in Suda Bay cemetery. After the war Holmes went to see Lamonby’s parents in Essex to give them a sanitised description of the operation. ‘They were nice people,’ he remembered. ‘He was an only child.’
utherland and his men returned to Athlit on Friday 23 July. Walter MilnerBarry was there to welcome them back, writing in his diary: ‘David arrived with some incredible tales of Crete which must have been a ﬁne operation. Stayed up too late talking. The Cretans must be amazing staunch people. From one people they shot 50 hostages, but in spite of this nobody talked. Andy apparently put up an amazingly ﬁne performance. Comic relief was provided by taking 2 German PWs into Groppis for tea in Cairo.’1 Holmes recalled that they were all summoned to a debrief at Azzib, headquarters of the Raiding Forces, in the presence of Colonel Douglas Turnbull. Having chewed over Sutherland’s report, he concurred with his view that the operation was ‘one of the most physically exacting ever undertaken by Special Service troops in the Middle East’.2 And it had been worth it; only one casualty (Lamonby) at a cost to the enemy of ﬁve aircraft destroyed, two petrol dumps and a bomb dump, not forgetting the two prisoners and their innovative new weapon. Turnbull announced a slew of decorations for the participants. Military Medals for Dick Holmes, Jack Nicholson, Ray Jones and Sydney Greaves, and a second Military Cross each for Sutherland and Lassen. The citation for Holmes’ Military Medal, approved and signed on 23 July by General Henry ‘Jumbo’ Wilson, Commander-in-Chief Middle East Forces, described his destruction of the
Not all the SBS men had sea legs, particularly when the wind got up on the Aegean. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 73
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY Full steam ahead for North Africa. The raiders are transported back across the Mediterranean from Crete no doubt looking forward to their trip to Groppi’s! (Courtesy of SAS Archive)
Sutherland was oblivious to how some of the men felt about Lassen. In his eyes the Dane was a man ‘of inﬁnite charm and inﬁnite personality … possessed of shrewd common sense and uncomparable [sic] guts. A born leader. He was adored by his men.’6 Holmes recalled that Sutherland – ‘an ofﬁcer I admired’ – did have a weakness for allowing personal friendships to cloud his judgement. It was the case with Lassen, a man he held in the highest esteem, and it was the same with Ken Lamonby. It had been obvious to most from the outset that Lamonby wasn’t cut out for the Special Boat Squadron, but Sutherland couldn’t – or wouldn’t – see that. Though there was no posthumous decoration for Lamonby, in Sutherland’s autobiography he eulogised Lamonby as possessing ‘all that one admires in a young man – intelligent, adaptable and brave, with an earthy Suffolk sense of humour’.7 __________ There was much news to catch up on for Sutherland and the rest of S Squadron upon their return to Athlit. There was much sadness – but little surprise – when they learned that Tommy Langton had been invalided home indeﬁnitely having failed to recover from illness. As for L Squadron, they no longer existed after the Sardinia debacle and only a handful of men made the long journey back to Palestine. One of them was Doug Wright, now recovered from Malaria, who was transferred to S Squadron. The news concerning Fitzroy Maclean was more unexpected. From a captain in charge of a small squadron of British commandos, he had been elevated in the space of a few short days in July to become the Prime Minister’s political and military representative in Yugoslavia. In his place George Jellicoe had appointed Captain Ian Lapraik to command M Squadron. The 27-year-old Lapraik, who had suffered from tuberculosis for much of his childhood in Glasgow, had started his special forces career with 51 Commando two years earlier, winning a Military Cross in Abyssinia. He had continued serving with the Middle East Commando throughout 1942 and was cherry-picked by Jellicoe while whiling away his time in Malta. Lapraik brought with him to the SBS a young New Zealand ofﬁcer called Dion Stellin, or ‘Stud’ as he was known in the ofﬁcers’ mess on account of his success with the opposite sex.
Karl Kahane was an Austrian Jew who served with distinction in both the SAS and SBS. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Billy Whiteside and Dick Holmes wash down The Hedgehog, one of the vessels that helped evacuate soldiers from the Greek islands. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Special Boat Squadron. In Rome Benito Mussolini was overthrown and arrested, and King Vittorio Emanuele appointed General Pietro Badoglio the new leader of Italy. Twenty years of Fascist rule were at an end and Italy could look forward to an era of peace, or so the majority of the country hoped. But Badoglio was well aware of the danger that lay ahead; thousands of German soldiers were stationed in Italian territory, not just in Sicily and Sardinia, but on the mainland which would be the next objective of the Allies once Sicily was theirs. Badoglio wisely decided to adopt the politics of one of his country’s forbears, Machiavelli, proclaiming that Italy would remain a loyal ally of Germany’s in the ﬁght against the Allies. Simultaneously Badoglio instructed the Italian envoy in Lisbon to inform the Allies he was simply playing for time. As July turned to August, and the Allies continued their advance north through Sicily towards the Italian toe, the diplomatic and military situation concerning Italy grew ever more complex. On 13 August Colonel Turnbull visited Athlit to brief the SBS ofﬁcers on the latest developments. ‘He told us how we were all to be engaged shortly depending on the political situation,’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary.8 Turnbull explained that negotiations were ongoing with Italy and that if, as expected, an armistice was agreed, David Sutherland and a small party from S Squadron would land somewhere and carry out a reconnaissance ahead of a main landing by the 8th Indian Division. Milner-Barry would follow in a destroyer with the rest of S Squadron as well as the whole of M Squadron under the overall command of Jellicoe. ‘Our role was to keep ahead of the advancing troops, creating as much alarm and despondency as we could, by sabotage and shooting up all kinds,’ wrote Milner-Barry.9 Turnbull did not mention the destination but Milner-Barry guessed it would be Rhodes. Rhodes certainly loomed large in the thinking of Winston Churchill and his generals. Its airﬁelds were of crucial importance in determining who controlled the Aegean Sea, the stretch of the Mediterranean from Greece in the west to Asia Minor in the east and which linked with the Sea of the Marmara through the Dardanelles. In the context of the war as a whole the Aegean appeared at ﬁrst glance an insigniﬁcant backwater but it contained three groups of islands that were of
strategic importance: the Sporades to the north, the Cyclades in the west and the Dodecanese in the east. It was the last of these that were considered key to the Aegean, with Rhodes, Kos and Leros among the most important islands. Throughout much of history the islands had belonged to Turkey, even though the inhabitants who worked the arid land were of Greek extraction. That changed after the Italo–Turkish war of 1911–12, a conﬂict in which the victorious Italians seized control of the three groups of islands with the objective of using them as staging posts for any future drives into Asia Minor. Thirty years later, when Italy entered World War II on the side of Germany, it was the islands’ importance to colonial interests in Duggie Pomford and North Africa, not Asia Minor, which dictated the policy of Mussolini. But at the Dick Holmes about to end of 1940 Britain was winning the war against Italy in North Africa and its navy have a shave ahead of was also in control of the Mediterranean. Mussolini turned to Hitler for help. a raid. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) Erwin Rommel and his Afrika Korps were soon pushing the British back across North Africa but Hitler was also quick to recognize how the Aegean Islands could assist Germany’s war machine. Airﬁelds on Rhodes would provide the Luftwaffe with a base from which to attack British convoys steaming towards Malta, while a ‘Our role was to keep ahead of the German presence in the region would advancing troops, creating as much alarm also boost the security of the oil ﬁelds in Romania. and despondency as we could, by sabotage Britain was alive to the consequences and shooting up all kinds…’ should Germany seize control of Rhodes and the other islands, not just for its Walter Milner-Barry shipping in the Mediterranean but also for its control of the Suez Canal in Egypt. Plans were therefore put in place for an invasion of the Dodecanese* but Germany pre-empted the British plan, invading Greece and then Crete in April/May 1941, and also scoring a major victory in the * Ironically Layforce, which would provide the bulk of the early SAS and SBS, were to spearhead the planned assault on Rhodes in the spring of 1941.
North African campaign by driving its enemy out of the eastern region of Libya known as Cyrenaica. Britain had no choice but to cancel plans for the invasion of Rhodes and concentrate instead on winning the war in North Africa. __________
RQMS Evans and Karl Kahane reveal nearly all at Castelrosso. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
As August lengthened and negotiations between Italy and the Allies continued, the Special Boat Squadron intensiﬁed their training at Athlit. To prevent the men getting too keyed up, the ofﬁcers ensured there were regular games of basketball and football, and a mobile cinema arrived to help them kill time in the evening. Walter Milner-Barry called up an old friend from his days in the Transjordan Frontier Force, Raymond Cafferata, now deputy superintendent of the Palestine police, who lectured the squadron ‘on tactics when dealing with insurgents, such as the army had had to practise in the hills before the outbreak of war’.10 The talk went down well with the men and Cafferata ended the lecture with a couple of demonstrations on the most effective way of springing an ambush. Milner-Barry caught up with another old acquaintance a few days later, revisiting the opulent Mount Lebanon resort of Saoufar, a town he knew well from his days working for Shell in the 1930s. He and David Sutherland stayed in the Grand Hotel and later shared an expensive bottle of Chablis over dinner. Best of all, Milner-Barry ran into a string of old girlfriends ‘with whom I was able to dance’.11 By the start of September General Pietro Badoglio had no more room in which to manoeuvre. Sicily was conquered and now the Allies were ready to advance across the Strait of Messina into Italy. On the third day of the month Badoglio signed the terms of the Italian armistice (the announcement of which was not made public until 8 September) in an olive grove near Syracuse in Sicily, and on the same day the invasion of Italy began with the Eighth Army landing in Calabria, and Paddy Mayne leading the Special Raiding Squadron into Bagnara. At Athlit, 3 September was a normal day: hard training in the morning followed by a game of football in the afternoon against the Royal Tank Regiment; the SBS won 3–1. The war diary noted that in the evening, ‘Major Jellicoe arrives from Cairo’. Jellicoe had been scuttling back and forth between Athlit and Cairo for much of August attending brieﬁngs at Middle East HQ. Since May 1943 the British had
The sailors of the Levant Schooner Flotilla were much respected by the SBS for their seamanship skills. (Courtesy of Angie English)
accompanied by Milner-Barry and Ian Lapraik, motored to Beirut for a meeting with Captain Hugo Ionides, commander of the 1st British Submarine Flotilla. Ionides and the trio of SBS ofﬁcers ﬁnalised details for a landing by Milner-Barry and an S Squadron patrol on the small Dodecanese island of Levitha. Leaving MilnerBarry to thrash out the details with Ionides, Jellicoe and Lapraik retired to the St Georges Hotel for a spot of dinner. At 2300 hours, as the meal was nearing its end, a military policeman arrived and presented Jellicoe ‘with an urgent signal requesting my immediate return to RFHQ’. Jellicoe left Lapraik to settle the bill and two hours later he was at Raiding Forces HQ at Azzib whereupon he was instructed to catch a ﬂight at 0630 hours from Haifa to Cairo. Jellicoe touched down at Heliopolis, just outside Cairo, at 0900 hours on 8 September. A staff car was waiting, as was a summons to attend a conference at Middle East HQ one hour later. Jellicoe grabbed something to eat, had a quick shave, and at 1000 hours presented himself at headquarters. ‘At this conference I met and was introduced to a rather bewildered assortment of ofﬁcers,’ recalled Jellicoe, who was informed of the Italian armistice. Surprised by that piece of news, Jellicoe then discovered that to him fell the honour of ‘attempting to rally the Italian garrison of Rhodes to resist the Germans’.13 Middle East HQ had no deﬁnite plan in place to assist Jellicoe in his mission, although he was told that no British military help would be available before 15 September at the earliest. In addition the morale of the Italians was reportedly low and their governor, Admiral Inigo Campioni, had no idea of British intentions for the island. Jellicoe was dumbstruck by the plan’s vagueness. Over lunch at the Shepheard’s Hotel, he and Colonel Turnbull of the RFHQ were ‘equally pessimistic’ as to the chances of a successful conclusion. Nevertheless Jellicoe proposed that he lead a small party into Rhodes by parachute to try to make contact with Campioni. The next few hours were spent rushing around Cairo organizing an insertion for that evening consisting of Jellicoe, a Polish SOE agent called Count Julian Dobrski, whose alias was Major Dolbey, and Sergeant Kesterton, a signaller. But
delays in obtaining equipment for the mission led to a 24-hour postponement. Eventually the three men parachuted into Rhodes on the evening of 9 September with Jellicoe carrying three letters for Admiral Campioni from General Harold Alexander, Commander-in-Chief of Middle East Command. ‘The drop itself and the events of the next 90 minutes were unpleasant,’ wrote Jellicoe with his customary understatement. Not only had they a strong breeze to contend with but they were ﬁred upon by a company of Italian soldiers who presumed they were Germans. Dobrski broke his leg upon landing but was at least able to use his ﬂuent Italian to explain the nature of their mission. Displaying remarkable stoicism, Dobrski insisted on seeing Admiral Campioni before having his injury tended. Jellicoe, meanwhile, unsure if it was Germans or Italians ﬁring at them, removed Alexander’s letters. ‘I was told I must destroy these letters if I was in danger of capture,’ he remembered. ‘I thought I was in danger so unable to ﬁnd anywhere to put them I had to eat the beastly things. They were written on very thick formal paper and proved very indigestible.’14 Eventually Jellicoe and his signaller made contact with the Italians and they too were driven to the governor’s residence where they were reunited with Dobrski. He told Jellicoe that he had spoken with Campioni and was ‘optimistic’ that he would side with the British, though Campioni had made clear his displeasure that the British had not thought to forewarn him of the armistice. If they had he could have discreetly manoeuvred his troops into a position from where they could swiftly encircle the Germans. As it was, Campioni had learned of the armistice from the wife of a German ofﬁcer at the same time as LieutenantGeneral Ulrich Kleemann, the competent commander of the German division on Rhodes. Kleemann had wasted no time in sending out mobile columns to occupy the island’s three airﬁelds at Marizza, Calato and Cattavia. Jellicoe had been alarmed by the state of the Italian troops he had passed on his way to the governor’s residence and he did
Freddie Crouch (left) and Dick Holmes were two east Londoners who often carried out reconnaissance missions together in the SBS. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
not share Dobrski’s optimism over Italian intentions. Campioni was jittery, the pressure of his situation weighing heavily on his shoulders, and his state of mind understandably not improved when Jellicoe admitted it would be six days at least before any major British invasion ﬂeet came ashore. Before retiring to bed for the night Admiral Campioni insisted that Jellicoe and his two companions change into civilian clothes and made it clear that he ‘would not allow any British personnel to leave or arrive at Rhodes by seaplane’.15 The next day, 10 September, proved one of great frustration for Jellicoe as Campioni prevaricated in the face of the ﬁrst skirmishes between German and Italian troops. Then, in the late afternoon, Jellicoe sensed a change in the atmosphere at the governor’s residence and he managed to extract from Campioni’s aide-decamp a confession that the Italians were negotiating peace terms with the Germans. Recognizing that he could serve no further purpose on Rhodes, Jellicoe left that night on-board an Italian Torpedo Armed Motorboat for the small island of Castelorizzo, 80 miles to the east. Accompanying him was Campioni’s chief of staff, Colonel Fanetza, who had been sent by his superior to explain ﬁrst-hand to the British the invidious predicament faced by the Italian forces on Rhodes. As a token of goodwill, Campioni had furnished Jellicoe with all the available intelligence on the mineﬁelds in the Aegean, as well as ‘two bottles of Rhodes wine and an excellent picnic basket’.16 __________ While Jellicoe was in Rhodes two SBS patrols, one each from M and S Squadrons, had left Athlit for Paphos in Cyprus. Once there they learned of the Italian armistice and received their orders. ‘We are to go to Castelorizzo Island, destroy any Germans there, and organise the Italian defence,’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary. Councils of War followed, at which there was great argument as to the method of attack. The ﬁrst plan was to land at midnight on the west end of the island, and march across to the port of Castelrosso [the capital of Castelorizzo], but to my relief, and largely as a result of my intervention, it was decided not to go in like a thief in the night, but to take the bolder course of sailing straight into the port.17
Freddy Crouch sits on a box at Castelrosso having just accidentally shot himself in the hand with a captured German Schmeisser. Duggie Pomford talks to the Sikh soldier on the left. (Courtesy of Angie English)
Castelrosso was an important stopping oﬀ point for the SBS on many of their operations in the Aegean, and a chance for them to unwind. (Courtesy of Angie English)
A Royal Navy oﬃcer poses with some locals on Castelorizzo. Though they were poor, the Greeks were also generous with food and drink. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
The SBS found the islanders, such as these ones on Castelorizzo, to be brave, resourceful and loyal allies in the ﬁght against Germany. (Courtesy of Angie English) 83
The SBS found the island of Castelorizzo charming but its inhabitants desperately poor and undernourished. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) Arch Ar chiv ive) e)
greet their liberators. ‘They are desperately poor and look half starved,’ wrote Milner-Barry, who acting on David Sutherland’s orders despatched the M Squadron patrol to secure the wireless stations on the island while he and S Squadron stationed themselves in the port.18 The next morning Colonel Turnbull touched down at Castelorizzo in a seaplane to check that all was well, and not long after his departure Jellicoe and Colonel Fanetza arrived in their motorboat. Milner-Barry had his men line up along the wooden jetty to welcome their distinguished guests. ‘It was as calm as a mill pond,’ recalled Dick Holmes, who was standing next to Doug Wright. Jellicoe was ﬁrst onto the jetty. Then came Colonel Fanetza, every inch the high-ranking Italian ofﬁcer in his ﬁnest livery. ‘Just as he went to step on to the jetty the boat moved and he went straight in the drink,’ said Holmes. ‘We all pissed ourselves laughing.’ Doug Wright heaved the colonel from the water after what Jellicoe described in his report as his ‘undiplomatic tumble’. He and his men strove to conceal their amusement but every squelching step of Fanetza’s down the jetty was accompanied by the soft sound of strangled giggles. Jellicoe didn’t stay long on Castelorizzo. After breakfast and a quick consultation with Sutherland and Milner-Barry, he and the still damp Fanetza left for the island of Simi, north of Rhodes, where Colonel Turnbull had established his HQ. Not too long after they had left a signal was received from Admiral Campioni ordering the boat back to Castelorizzo but Jellicoe persuaded the vessel’s skipper to ignore the request and continue towards Simi. Satisﬁed all was well, he lay down on deck for
or a small island measuring 25 miles by 6 miles, Kos is steeped in history. Romans, Greeks and Egyptians all enjoyed visiting Kos for its climate and culture. Separated from the Turkish mainland by a narrow channel no more than a mile wide, Kos boasts sandy beaches on its northern coastline. A sharp spine of limestone runs the length of the southern half of Kos, producing a series of steep cliffs overlooking sheltered coves and small bays. The island was made a free city by the Roman Empire in AD 53 but 1,500 years later another empire, the Ottoman, claimed Kos as its own. The Ottomans’ reign lasted until 1912 when Italy took control. Over the next 30 years the Italians constructed an airstrip at Antimachia, the only such facility in the Dodecanese other than the three airﬁelds on Rhodes. When S Squadron landed in Kos Town (in the far north of the island) on the morning of 13 September they were royally welcomed by the inhabitants with grapes and champagne. But soon Sutherland led his men inland to the ﬂat area of Antimachia where they secured the airstrip from some of the 4,000-strong Italian garrison on Kos. That afternoon a ﬂight of six South Africa Spitﬁres landed and in the evening 120 men of the 11th Parachute Battalion parachuted on to a drop zone marked out by the SBS. In the days that followed more British personnel arrived to strengthen the island’s defences, including a unit from the RAF Regiment, the 9th
The SBS accept the surrender of the Italian garrison on the island of Samos in September 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 87
by the SBS and the LRDG ahead of an attack by a major assault force. ‘The future looked bright,’ wrote Sutherland. ‘Too bright for us to take seriously the warning that an enemy convoy had been observed sailing SE from Naxos.’ Sutherland, like everyone else, assumed the German convoy was transporting men and supplies to Rhodes and thought nothing more about it. After a consultation with Turnbull, Sutherland, Milner-Barry and George Jellicoe had a ‘frugal ﬁsh supper’ in a Greek restaurant on Leros and then returned to Kalymnos by speedboat. ‘We went to sleep full of plans for the future,’ recalled Sutherland.2 __________ On 24 September Hitler had hosted a conference at his headquarters to discuss the situation in the Aegean. The information given to the Führer was bleak; with the exception of Rhodes the British controlled the Dodecanese and it was likely they would next seize possession of the Cyclades Islands further west. While some of the ofﬁcers present advised Hitler to invade the Cyclades before the British had time to land on the islands, Grand Admiral Dönitz was of the opinion that Germany would be better advised to withdraw altogether from the Aegean – including Crete – and instead concentrate its forces in defending the Balkans Peninsula. Hitler listened to all the advice and then announced his decision: Germany would not withdraw from the Aegean. Quite the opposite. It would seize back the Dodecanese from the British. ‘Abandonment of the islands would create the most
From his vantage point on Kalymnos, 8 miles to the north, Sutherland had a grandstand view of the invasion. So did Milner-Barry, who described the events in his diary: ‘Morning began with a dawn para [troop] attack by the Jerries on Kos, followed up by a ﬂeet of ships of all kinds bombarding the coast, and occasionally landing troops at different points: overhead continually aircraft.’5 A hastily arranged conference was held on Kalymnos, during which Prendergast suggested it might be an idea if Sutherland took S Squadron to Kos to reinforce the garrison. Understandably Sutherland did not think much of that proposal, commenting that ‘it was doubtful whether we could have achieved anything by this means being so lightly armed’.6 Prendergast saw the sense in Sutherland’s thinking and a second plan was agreed: Milner-Barry would land on the south coast of Kos at nightfall and ﬁnd out what he could about the British defences. In addition Milner-Barry was instructed to try to establish an escape route from Kos to Kalymnos. By the time Milner-Barry and his 13-strong patrol were put ashore on Kos at 0300 hours on 4 October the Germans were well on their way to securing the island. Pockets of British resistance held out but the majority of the defenders were dead, captured or on the run from the enemy.
The SBS didn’t appreciate their role as garrison troops on the islands during the early autumn of 1943 because of the long periods of inactivity. (Courtesy of Angie English)
Barry, on account of their parlous situation. They had no weapons, many were without boots, and they were cold, exhausted and hungry. All they had for food was one iron ration each, consisting of a hard packet of chocolate and beef essence. The men got their ﬁrst break not long after dawn on 5 October when MilnerBarry spotted a local shepherd with his ﬂock. With a combination of hand signals and schoolboy Greek, he ‘was able to make him understand our predicament’. At dusk the shepherd returned with lumps of bread and cheese, as well as information about the whereabouts of other British soldiers. That night Milner-Barry led a ppatrol pa trol into the surroundingg countrys y ide and rounded upp a number of disorientated countryside British soldiers, most of whom were in fact RAF personnel p rsonnel from Antimachia. The pe following night Milner-Barry and two of his men ventured out again inland, this time returning to their cave with around 50 men, including a number of soldiers ffrom fr om tthe he D urha ur ham m Li Ligh ghtt In Infa fant ntry ry aand nd eeight ight ig ht IItalians. talilian ta anss. Durham Light Infantry night off 7/ October motor launch On n tthe hee n ight ig ht o 7/88 Oc Octo tobe berr th thee mo moto torr la laun unch ch rreturned etur et urne nedd to tthe he bbeach each ea ch aand nd evac ev a ua uate tedd ev ver eryo y ne except Milner-Barry and two of his men, Lance-Corporal evacuated everyone
This soldier wears the hooded jacket which, to one war correspondent, made the the SB SBSS se seem em llike ikee ‘aa ik band of Robin Hood’s merry me men’. n’.’ (C (Courtesy of o Angie E English) nglish)
he Germans found it hard to believe how easy it had been to take Kos. The expected British resistance had failed to materialise, which emboldened the German High Command. ‘Why stop at Kos?’ they asked themselves. On 6 October their strategy in the Dodecanese changed from defensive to offensive, and a list of other islands to invade was drawn up, including Chios, Leros and Samos. Additional shipping would be required to transport soldiers to these islands, and radio stations would need to be installed on Naxos and Simi to facilitate the invasions. What the Germans did not know, however, was that the SBS had beaten them to Simi and were in no mood to relinquish their hold on the island. Ian Lapraik had led 26 men of M Squadron onto Simi on 17 September, installing himself as ‘king’ of the island and improving the island’s defences by the mounting of a 20mm Breda cannon on a hillside next to an abandoned school. There was a 140-strong Italian garrison on Simi who had done little to endear themselves to the local population during their lengthy occupation. The Greeks wanted their blood, but Lapraik wouldn’t let them take it. ‘I let them know that wrongs would be righted in due course, that there would be equity for all,’ he said. ‘But that for the moment the efﬁcient progress of the war rose above all other considerations.’1
After their success in capturing Greece, including Crete, the Germans were reluctant to let the mainland or the islands go without a ﬁght. Here German paratroopers drive around Heraklion in a captured British vehicle, prior to the SBS attacks. (Topfoto) 97
The Germans came at dawn on 7 October, around 40 soldiers landing at Pedi Bay in the north-east of Simi in two local ﬁshing boats called caiques and a schooner. According to whose account one believes, the Germans either made it ashore ‘Let there be no doubt about it, they will unobserved or were allowed to land by come; therefore we must be prepared.’ the RAF men manning the Breda Cannon and the Bren gun position on the hillside Ian Lapraik who mistook them for their own men. Rodney Hancock, the SBS’s unofﬁcial war artist-cum-photographer, recalled that when Andy Lassen woke at ﬁrst light he looked down at the bay and spotted the boats. ‘Who the hell are they?’ he roared. To which the aircrew replied: ‘Well, they’ve just sort of landed.’3 The RAF’s version, while admitting that the man operating the Breda cannon was Flight Sergeant Charlie Schoﬁeld, ‘who wore spectacles on account of short sight’,4 insisted that the enemy were engaged the moment they hove into view. Nonetheless the 40-strong German landing party managed to disembark and seek cover inland, some penetrating as far as the outskirts of Simi town.* While the SBS went off to deal with these Germans, Schoﬁeld continued to pour a torrent of ﬁre onto the more timorous enemy, keeping them pinned down just off the beach. Then three Stukas appeared and came in low on a bombing run. Schoﬁeld laughed as the bombs were released, reassuring his comrades that the angle of approach was too tight for the aircraft and that they were perfectly safe because of their position high up in the hills. By now the vibration of the cannon had shattered Schoﬁeld’s spectacles and the sights had fallen off the overheated weapon. But his eye, short sighted or not, was in and the armourer who had never before experienced a pitched battle, stuck to his gun and displayed exemplary courage that was later rewarded with a Military Medal. Further down the hillside Lassen was exhibiting similar bravery, which would in due course be recognized with a second bar to his Military Cross. In the days preceding the German landing on Simi, the Dane had been suffering from dysentery and from a nasty petrol burn to his leg. ‘Anyone else would have been shipped back,’ reﬂected Hancock, who was one of the men in Lassen’s patrol.5 Also present was Sean O’Reilly, the 42-year-old former Irish Guardsman, who on Simi got his ﬁrst experience of Lassen’s uncanny ability to sniff out the enemy. ‘He suddenly stopped by a wall and, sure enough, two Germans were sitting behind it,’ recalled O’Reilly. ‘We ﬁred over their heads and they surrendered.’6 * Some British accounts have the invasion party numbering 100 but German documents state that only 40 men made the initial foray onto Simi.
The Germans enter Simi town in October after Ian Lapraik and M Squadron had withdrawn. (Courtesy of John Robertson)
As the SBS entered the narrow streets of Simi Town they came under heavy ﬁre from a German machine-gun position located on a ridge overlooking the village. Lieutenant Bimrose led his patrol forward, the men playing hide and seek with the enemy gunner between the whitewashed houses. Then they were ambushed. A grenade exploded at the feet of William Morrison, one of the Seaforth Highlanders recruited by Fitzroy Maclean, and Bimrose’s sergeant was seriously wounded by a burst of small-arms ﬁre. Bimrose was shot in the arm. For a moment he faltered and then, enﬂamed by the ambush, he charged the enemy ‘and personally killed 2 and wounded one’.7 Bimrose withdrew his patrol in good order (minus the dead Morrison) and briefed Lassen on the German defences. A short while later, as the citation for his third Military Cross stated, Lassen ‘led the Italian counterattack which ﬁnally drove the Germans back to their caiques with the loss of sixteen killed, thirty-ﬁve wounded and seven prisoners as against our loss of one killed and one wounded’.8 Though the citation exaggerated the number of German casualties, there was nothing inaccurate in the description of the German withdrawal in mid-afternoon. But even then the day had yet to run its course for the Germans. On seeing the enemy withdraw to the beach, Lapraik ordered one of the SBS’s caiques to set sail from Simi Harbour and drive the ﬂeeing Germans within range of the Bren guns positioned on the hillside. This they gleefully did, and the exposed decks of the three German vessels were raked by machine-gun ﬁre as they rounded the tip of Pedi Bay. General Ulrich Kleemann, commander of German forces in the Aegean, reacted with fury when he heard of the failed landing on Simi. The next morning at 0800 hours a pair of Stuka dive-bombers screamed out of the sky, dropping their cargo of explosives on Simi Town. These air assaults continued at two-hourly intervals for the rest of the day, inﬂicting death and destruction on British and Italians and on Greek civilians. Another SBS soldier, Lance-Corporal Robert McKendrick, was killed in the morning and two dozen civilians were also left dead in the indiscriminate raids. Then in the early afternoon Lapraik’s headquarters received a direct hit which also demolished Ferris’s makeshift hospital. The doctor crawled out of the wreckage,
water port of Lakki (known to the Italians as Porto Lago) on the south-west coast of the island, and the next day Sutherland had his ﬁrst opportunity to take stock of his new surroundings. ‘Leros is 8 miles long and 4 wide with two narrow mile-long beaches in the middle,’ he wrote. ‘There are three barren, hilly features, each about 1,000 feet high. In the south-west corner is the all-weather harbour Porto Lago Bay.’ Sutherland considered that the island resembled in shape ‘a large cowpat trodden on by two feet!’13 Owing to its rocky and undulating terrain Leros had no airﬁeld, but what the Italians had installed in their 31 years of occupation was a series of formidable coastal batteries overlooking the island’s six bays. At 0900 hours on 5 October a squadron of Stukas attacked Leros at the moment Sutherland was discussing the island’s defences with Captain Thomas Belcher of 30 Commando. Sutherland recalled the terrifying scream of the diving aircraft and glimpsed ‘a brave man standing up ﬁring a machine gun’.14 Then his world exploded. The bomb that fell in Porto Lago landed 50 yards from Sutherland, leaving him temporarily deaf, badly shaken and coated in a ghostly white dust. But he was alive, unlike Belcher, two of his commandos and Sergeant Ernest Hawkes of the Special Boat Squadron.
Leros under aerial attack from the Luftwaﬀe. Even Andy Lassen was scared of Stuka dive-bombers. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
‘They Stuka-ed us to bloody death on Leros… The noise is horrible, that’s the scariest thing and you can more or less see the pilots looking at you because they are so close.’ Doug Wright
The ones that dropped onto land came under heavy ground ﬁre.
It was estimated that of 200 paratroopers dropped on Leros on 13 November, only 20 went into action, the rest drowning or dying on the end of their parachutes as they ﬂoated to earth. (Images courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
destroyed. On that day Sutherland noted that the Luftwaffe raids were particularly heavy and it was evident that the invasion was imminent. George Jellicoe was now in command of the 50-strong SBS force on Leros and he could see clearly the hopelessness of the situation. With this in mind he sent Andy Lassen and some of his most reliable men – among them Jack Nicholson, Doug Wright, Dick Holmes and Porter Jarrell – north to the island of Samos. A steady stream of wounded British soldiers had been evacuated to Samos and Lassen’s mission was to transport them onto the Turkish mainland just a mile off the island. Sutherland, meanwhile, departed Leros on the night of 11 November bound for Turkey with orders to contact Lieutenant-Commander Croxton of the Royal Navy and ‘make arrangements for the Leros evacuation should it be necessary’.20 His patrol sailed from Leros at 2300 hours in a wooden caique, cruising south-east at a leisurely 4 knots. As they passed the island of Kalymnos, Sutherland spotted through the blackness the outline of other vessels heading in the opposite direction. It was the ﬁrst wave of a German seaborne assault group that had sailed from Kos Town a little before midnight. Their destination was Leros. The ﬁrst wave of the German invasion ﬂeet – 800 troops in total – landed in the north-east of Leros in the early hours of 12 November. They were soon ashore and heading south where the objective was to link up with the second wave who had landed at Alinda Bay. The third blow planned by the Germans was an airborne drop by a battalion of paratroopers from the Brandenburg Division. The parachute drop was put back several hours because of delays in landing the seaborne troops, a hitch that turned out well for the invaders. Having been engaged in heavy ﬁghting throughout the day, the British defenders appeared to be beating off the German invasion. Then at 1300 hours the ﬁrst Ju52 transport aircraft appeared overhead. War correspondent L. Marshland Gander described the effect the sight had on him and soldiers around: ‘The idea that the Germans would use Paras was so remote from my thoughts that the happenings of the next few minutes
This photo was taken from the body of a dead German, perhaps showing a brother (in the Navy) and mother. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
had a supremely theatrical and dreamlike quality which almost obliterated the breath-taking surprise.’21 Marshland Gander watched in awe as ‘twelve or ﬁfteen troop carriers were ﬂying at a height of about 300 feet in line astern across the island’s narrow waist between Alinda and Gurna Bays’. In fact there were 40 transport carriers in total, inside which 470 Brandenburgers under the command of Hauptmann Martin Kühne prepared to jump on to Leros. Marshland Gander recalled: As I watched fascinated something white appeared under the fuselage of the leading machine… It bellied out into a great mushroom beneath which the dark ﬁgure of the parachutist looked absurdly small and helpless … the ﬁrst man who was probably the group leader had touched ground before the machine gunners on the sides of Meraviglia had recovered from the paralyzing shock of surprise.’22
When they had regained their wits the British poured a withering ﬁre into the brave paratroopers jumping from the low-ﬂying aircraft. German casualty ﬁgures estimated that 200 were dead before they hit the ground while a further 100 sustained injuries as they fell on to the treacherous slopes of Leros. Nonetheless around 200 airborne troops landed unscathed, ‘some 500 to 700 yards away on the slopes on the other side of the road’, as George Jellicoe recalled in his operational report.23 For ten minutes the two elite units exchanged ﬁre amid the scrubland and boulders. One ofﬁcer of the Greek Sacred Squadron ﬁghting alongside the SBS was wounded in the leg but other than that there were no casualties. Jellicoe began issuing orders as he spotted the paratroopers attempting to move off towards their objectives. Captain Desmond Holt was instructed to take his patrol towards Navy House, a villa on the western shore of Alinda Bay occupied by the Royal Navy, ‘to engage the parachutists’, and Captain Bill Blyth was ordered to establish a six-man ﬁreteam on a nearby hillside.24 Jellicoe then instructed his three machine-gun teams nests to pull back. As they did so Corporal George Walshaw – at 37 one of the oldest men in the squadron – was shot dead by a German sniper. At dusk on 12 November Blyth reported to Jellicoe at a pre-arranged rendezvous. Holt’s patrol, however, appeared without their ofﬁcer who had been last seen ‘advancing by himself in the vicinity of Navy House engaging the parachutists’.25* Jellicoe sent out patrols throughout the night and the news brought to him was not * Holt is buried in the Leros war cemetery but Walshaw’s body was unaccountably lost, although on 15 November Jellicoe reported his burial, even giving a map reference in his report. Walshaw is commemorated on the Athens Memorial.
good: the enemy had seized an important ridgeline on Leros’s narrow waist, in effect severing the British defences in two so that the troops in the north were cut off from the troops to the south. Early the next morning, 13 November, the Germans dropped more paratroopers onto the island, only this time the British were waiting. Marshland Gander watched as one ﬂaming aircraft fell out of the sky, ‘a horrifying spectacle with one solitary parachutist visible dragging behind it, the doll-like ﬁgure still attached’. Another crippled Ju52 disgorged its cargo too early and the men drowned in Alinda Bay ‘where the silken chutes lingered for a short time like water lilies’.26 Jellicoe counted four aircraft brought down and of the 150 or so paratroopers dropped into a 40 mph wind close to Navy House, ‘very few of them were able to free themselves from their harness before being dragged over walls, etc.’27 So negligible had the impact of the German airborne reinforcements been that Jellicoe and his men spent the rest of the day ‘resting in the wadi’. At 0200 hours on 14 November the British launched a counter-attack against the ridgeline occupied by the paratroopers. It failed, and the SBS and the LRDG were then ordered to prevent the Germans pushing north from the ridge. Heavy ﬁghting marked the 15th, day four of the invasion, and the Wehrmacht war diary was pessimistic as to the chances of success, noting: ‘The ﬁghting is confused and information scarce, and changes in control by the enemy results in a confused crisis.’28 In Turkey, the information relayed to David Sutherland concerning the defence of Leros ‘was good … it appeared that even on the 15th the situation was in hand, in spite of the terriﬁc air bombardment’.29 It was German air superiority that proved decisive on 16 November. Brigadier Tilney decided to abandon his fortress headquarters and at 0830 hours he sent an uncoded signal to that effect. Jellicoe received it, and so did the Germans. When the
Following the ﬁghting for Leros, this photograph, likely showing the sweetheart of a dead German paratrooper, fell into the hands of the SBS. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
Holmes. ‘Me and Doug [Wright] had dug a slit trench about 50 yards from the house we’d been using as our base. In the middle of this Stuka raid Lassen came diving in, shivering and really scared. Doug looked at him, grinned and asked “Glad you joined now?”’ Wright recalled that ‘it was the only time I ever saw Andy looking a little frightened’. Stunned by the rapid capitulation of Leros, the British High Command now ordered the evacuation of Samos before they lost yet more men to the Germans. A ﬂeet of caiques were called into service, ferrying small groups of troops across the 1-mile channel that separated Samos from Turkey. But with vessels in short supply, Dick Holmes recalled how Andy Lassen ‘hit upon the novel idea of using a rope attached to both sides of the narrow channel and interspersed with empty two gallon water cans’. Holmes looked on sceptically as the Dane procured a line and set about implementing his plan. An Italian soldier was chosen by Lassen as a guinea pig. ‘The Italian waded into the water, grasped the taut line and began to pull himself hand over hand towards the Turkish coast,’ recalled Holmes. ‘He quickly disappeared from sight in the darkness. Seconds later he re-emerged, spluttering, to inform us that he had gone only a few yards before he was completely submerged beneath the surface. As we laughed, Andy threw one of his notorious temper tantrums.’ Eventually the SBS reached Turkey the conventional way, by boat, whereupon they were arrested by a military anxious to emphasise to all parties their neutrality. Lassen and his men were stripped of their weapons by the Turks and Holmes grudgingly handed over his prized Smith & Wesson. ‘Then they conﬁned us to a narrow strip of beach and provided us with nothing,’ he recalled. Holmes and his comrades were interned for more than a week before eventually they were taken to a nearby railway station and loaded, 20 to a wagon, on a train bound for Syria. Once in Syria the men were transported to a transit camp in Aleppo where they were showered, fed and given a change of uniform. As the SBS soldiers stood together warming themselves at a brazier a camp policeman approached. ‘Who are you blokes?’ he asked. ‘We’re SBS,’ replied Duggie Pomford. ‘Never heard of you,’ sneered the policeman. ‘You will, mate,’ said Pomford.
alter Milner-Barry had rather enjoyed his autumn. Having recovered from his exertions on Kos, the 39-year-old captain ﬁnished his recuperation in Cairo passing one ‘gloriously idle day’ after another. At the Gezira Sporting Club he watched an excellent game of rugby between a New Zealand Army XV and a team from the South African forces. There were also concerts, dinner parties and agreeable evenings in the bar of the Shepheard’s Hotel. It all came to an end on 10 November when Milner-Barry arrived back at HQ Raiding Forces in Azzib to learn that he was in charge of training 37 new recruits to the squadron. He also discovered the identity of L Squadron’s new commander – Major Ian Patterson, a 29-year-old from London who had ﬁrst encountered the SBS several weeks earlier. On that occasion he had been second-in-command of the 11th Parachute Battalion as they parachuted into Kos on a drop zone marked out by the SBS. Following the fall of Kos the battalion had been earmarked for a return to the UK, a prospect so appalling to Patterson that he sought out Jellicoe in the hope that he might have a vacancy. Jellicoe did, as it happened, following L Squadron’s ill-fated foray into Sardinia. Patterson replied that he was hoping for something a little bit more in the way of command than a squadron. ‘I’m not sure that would suit me,’ he
Dick Holmes (left) and Duggie Pomford on one of the Greek islands after another successful day’s hunting. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 113
of a train. ‘It was comical seeing these Arab kids running around with this marine kit,’ recalled Smith. ‘By the time we got to Haifa we had our toothbrush, underwear and riﬂe.’ From Haifa Smith and the Marines were transported in the SBS’s solitary truck to Azzib and from there to Athlit where they slept under canvas. The Marines were
Dick Holmes takes the rare opportunity to relax with a book. (Courtesy of Angie English)
‘They seemed to be a cheerful lot of chaps and goodish specimens physically… They also appeared almost too well disciplined, at the moment, for SBS troopers.’ Walter Milner-Barry
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY Dressed in sand-colored baggy windproof pants and blouses these taciturn characters unloaded supplies that the navy had brought them, hoisted the heavy bundles on to their shoulders, gestured to me to follow them and set off along the dirt road at a steady pace. As we walked along I realized that I was the only one who was making any noise so that I ﬁnished the two hour journey walking on the soles of my feet in an effort to move as quietly as the rest of the group … they were the scrufﬁest band of soldiers I had ever encountered, carrying an assortment of weapons which they cleaned meticulously as soon as breakfast was out of the way.9
Whatever it is that these thes th esee me men n ar aree do doin doing, ingg, they th hey aare re h having aviing a go good od d time. i (Courtesy off (C Angie A ngiie En E English) gllis ish) h)
Grant said that one of the patrol sensed his surprise at their unkempt appearance and cautioned the American against judging a book by its cover. ‘He pointed to a tall, well-built soldier who sported a straggly beard. “Corporal [Dick] Holmes destroyed a fuel dump on Crete a couple of months ago. Awarded the Military Medal. That one, Gunner [Ray] Jones, blew up several planes on the same raid. Got that MM too.”’10
There were other idiosyncrasies in the SBS than the choice of uniform. As in any military unit, nicknames abounded, but there was little logic in Jellicoe’s squadron. Dick Holmes was often called ‘Jeff’ for reasons he was never able to
he new year of 1944 saw the Germans in complete control of the islands in the Aegean. Still ﬂushed with their success on Leros, the Wehrmacht’s photo journal magazine Das Signal crowed that their triumph bore out two indisputable facts: In the ﬁrst place, England’s sea power, which is engaged throughout the world’s seas, was not able to successfully defend important bases in the Eastern Mediterranean from where it had planned to put increasing pressure militarily. In the second place, however, the quick surrender of many enemy island defenders was a surprise. Contrary to the German soldier who, where fates put him, ﬁghts to the last bullet, the soldiers of the Western Powers stops ﬁghting the moment he recognises there is no chance to win the ﬁght.1
The Germans could be excused their self-satisfaction. The conquest of the 11 islands of the Dodecanese had been remarkably easy, and with this region under their control they had occupied the islands of the Cyclades and Sporades from the Italians without bloodshed. (Castelorizzo, the twelfth island in the chain, which actually lies in the Eastern Mediterranean remained in British hands.) For a war machine that had suffered one defeat after another the previous year in Russia and North Africa, there was at least the consolation of triumph in the Aegean.
The SBS occasionally stepped on to Turkish land to wash or simply explore the countryside. (Courtesy of Angie English) 123
A patrol under Lieutenant Dick Harden seized two lighters oﬀ Nisiro in February 1944. The original caption misspelt his name. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
The question facing the Germans at the start of 1944 was how best to preserve their hold on the islands with the limited resources at their disposal without overstretching their lines of communication. General Ulrich Kleemann, commander of the German division on Rhodes, made representations to Berlin and consequently received additional troops and a ﬂeet of vessels (barges from the Ems canal and shallow draft cargo ships) with which to transport his men and keep them resupplied across the region. Retaining the divisional strength on Rhodes, Kleemann divided his troops up elsewhere. Eight hundred men were garrisoned on Scarpanto, an island to the south-west of Rhodes on which was a radar station. Leros received 4,000 troops, Samos 2,000 and Stampalia 200, and Kleemann ordered 150 soldiers to both Simi and Piscopi. This still left several islands undefended. Kleemann’s initial strategy was to install a token garrison on each one, but this proved too much of a burden on their limited ﬂeet of vessels. So instead the general altered his policy, deploying a larger force to garrison single islands for a limited time before moving them on to the next one. Inevitably, however, this meant that some islands would be left unguarded. The German strategy hadn’t gone unnoticed. British agents were scattered across the Aegean and they reported the enemy’s movements to Middle East HQ in Cairo. A conference was organized in late December, wrote John Lodwick in The Filibusters, and ‘it was decided that, with the New Year, Squadrons of SBS working in rotation would resume operations … to make the German occupation an uncomfortable and precarious tenancy of short rations and sleepless nights’.2 What the SBS were not told was the ulterior motive for their return to the Aegean. Operation Overlord, the invasion of France, was six months away. The Germans expected an invasion and were concentrating troops and materiel in northern France; simultaneously they were being stretched in the east as the Russians continued their advance towards the Balkans. The last thing the Germans now needed was a resumption of ﬁghting in the Mediterranean. But that was what the British planned, even though the SBS numbered barely 100 men. Jellicoe was instructed to wage war on the Germans, the type of guerrilla
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY The men lived on Takiarkis, here at anchorage in Turkish waters 1944. Hank Hancock is back row, right, and Corporal Flavell is seated in the middle row to the left. (Courtesy of Angie English)
situation in the Aegean, and Turkey began to take a harder line in safeguarding its neutrality. The Turks agreed to allow a small number of wounded British personnel to be treated in Bodrum hospital but declared that any other soldiers who landed on their shores would be interned. This stance presented a potential problem to the Special Boat Squadron. So as L Squadron sailed for Port Deremen, Walter Milner-Barry was despatched to Ankara on a diplomatic mission. He arrived on 27 January and went ﬁrst to the British Embassy to dine with the ambassador and General Allan Arnold, the British military attaché. ‘They asked me about Raiding Forces and the SBS and I wafﬂed away for about an hour,’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary. ‘It was a golden opportunity to sell the “ﬁrm”.’5 From Ankara Milner-Barry travelled to Istanbul for a meeting with Commander Vladimir Wolfson, Head of British Naval Intelligence in the Mediterranean. When he returned to the capital a couple of days later there was a letter from Arnold, ‘saying he was very sorry he couldn’t even get the Turks to agree to our chaps coming ashore for exercise’. The general was most effusive in his apologies, explaining to Milner-Barry that he had tried his utmost to convince the Turks. Still, he concluded cheerfully, not to worry, it just means the SBS ‘will have to choose a really deserted spot’ in which to establish its base.6 A South African ofﬁcer called Captain Morris Anderson was given the honour of leading the ﬁrst L Squadron operation. A former member of the Union Defence
Force, Anderson was a ‘champion swimmer’ and Patterson had every conﬁdence that he and his 11-strong patrol would give a good account of themselves. Their destination was Stampalia at the western extremities of the Dodecanese, and the objectives were listed in the operational orders issued to Anderson: 1. To destroy enemy shipping or seaplanes. 2. To land medical supplies to the Greek population. 3. To destroy the W/T [Wireless telegraphy] station NW of Castello or whichever W/T the Germans are discovered to be using. 4. To destroy enemy and enemy installations. 5. To evacuate any British military personnel who may be on the island.
above their head. They laid the last of their charges on two of the caiques, priming the bombs with two-hour fuses, before returning to the beach where they dried and slipped on their uniforms. It had proved all too easy, more like a training exercise than a sabotage mission in enemy territory. As Asbery and his men made
‘We were to be terrorists … our job was to terrorize the Germans.’ Dick Holmes
Ferrying supplied from the Turkish mainland towards Tewﬁk and Takiarkis in the Gulf of Kos. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
their escape across the hills they heard a roar and the bay they had left behind was bathed in the glow of half a dozen explosions. Anderson had been unsuccessful in his mission, but on learning from Asbery that a shortage of explosives had prevented him from destroying all of the caiques in Marmari Bay he decided to ﬁnish the job. The next evening Anderson and Nixon blew up the remaining caiques. Meanwhile the rest of the patrol carried out invaluable reconnaissance across the island, enabling Anderson to make a detailed report on the situation on Stampalia. ‘There are about 150–160 Germans on the island with ﬁve ofﬁcers,’ he wrote, adding that their commanding ofﬁcer lived alone in a white house near the harbour and had been on Stampalia since the previous November. Furthermore,
wrote Anderson, the garrison strength would soon be reduced to 20 with most of the men transferring to Leros. There was a severe shortage of food on the island with olive oil unavailable for the past six months. There had been an outbreak of malaria the previous autumn and one case of typhoid. There was, however, a lot of scabies and several incidences of syphilis caused by what the report described as bad women. Anderson concluded his report by stating he had been unable to determine the exact location of the W/T station although he thought it probable it was in the Maltezana harbour area. This was not attacked because of the presence of armed Greek police and because ‘having accomplished a certain amount by stealth it was thought better to leave the enemy guessing’.7 Encouraged by this opening foray, Patterson sent out other patrols to the islands. Lieutenant David Clark landed on Simi and with his men killed ten Germans; Captain Bruce Mitford sailed north to the islands of Lisso and Arkhi, wrecked the cable stations on both islands and sank three German caiques. He also captured a schooner containing ten cases of beer, 30 kegs of Samos wine and half a dozen cases of champagne; the schooner was sunk, but not before it had been stripped of its contents. A combined patrol of SBS and LSF under the command of Lieutenant Dick Harden seized two lighters off Nisiro, killing or capturing all those on board. On 23 February Anderson and his men were once more in action, this time attacking a German outpost on the island Piscopi. Corporal Asbery again distinguished himself and was rewarded with a Military Medal. The citation described how he ‘showed great coolness by working himself into a position from which he was able to bomb the Germans with grenades. By this action he killed, amongst others, a German NCO, who was in a position to inﬂict heavy casualties upon the patrol.’8
The inquisitive Turks who came to examine the SBS at anchorage could be easily bought oﬀ with food or, as here, a spare riﬂe. (Courtesy of Angie English)
t appears the SBS have been very naughty both at the Cedars, and in Tiberius [at their new camp], where they have used the Imperial Airways boats for target practice!’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary entry of 16 February.1 Milner-Barry had no doubt who the guilty party was: S Squadron, who had been sent to the Middle East Ski School at the Cedars of Lebanon in January. The SBS didn’t like skiing; they saw no point in it, not when they were a boat squadron. But the resentment felt by S Squadron ran deeper than just misgivings about mountain warfare training. They wanted action – that’s why they had volunteered for the special forces – yet except for the raid on Crete the previous July there had been precious little opportunity to prosecute their brand of warfare. Their mood was not improved upon their arrival at the ski school. ‘They greeted us with “uh-oh, it’s that mob with funny hats and funny badges,”’ recalled Holmes.2 A year earlier a detachment of SAS veterans had undergone a ski instruction course at the Cedars and there had been a ‘bit of a kerfufﬂe’ over some stolen chocolate. The instructors therefore had it in for the SBS and tempers boiled over at a function when one of S Squadron took exception to a back-of-the-hand jibe. Blows were exchanged, recalled Holmes, who said ‘in the end only about ten of us ﬁnished the course. The rest were kicked off.’
Duggie Pomford takes to the piste at Cedars, Lebanon, where on the whole the SBS weren’t welcomed. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin) 133
‘They greeted us with “uh-oh, it’s that mob with funny hats and funny badges”.’ Dick Holmes
The SBS didn’t see the point of skiing and they made that patently clear to their instructors. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
By the end of February S Squadron were back in camp at Samakh, and MilnerBarry was en route with orders to lead them into action. Following his trip to Turkey, he had been gathering more Royal Marine recruits in Alexandria and organizing the imminent deployment of S Squadron to the Aegean together with the Levant Schooner Flotilla. David Sutherland was in hospital with jaundice and Jellicoe had appointed Milner-Barry to command the squadron in his absence. ‘Planning targets in the Cyclades,’ wrote a thrilled Milner-Barry in his diary. ‘There is certainly great scope and I’m looking forward to it.’3 At this stage, however, planning was all Milner-Barry could do; Raiding Forces HQ had imposed an indeﬁnite ban on any raids outside the Dodecanese, to the anger of the SBS. The LSF gave Milner-Barry a lift on one of their motor-launches to Haifa, where he arrived on the morning of 1 March to ﬁnd George Jellicoe waiting on the quay. Together they ‘drove furiously to Samakh’ during which time Milner-
Barry was briefed on the latest developments. Captain Bill Blyth would be going on operations, as would the new ofﬁcer, John Lodwick. The men were pleased to see the return of Milner-Barry. He was old enough to be their father and, although he suffered periodically from a bad back and other ailments, he was straight, sincere and, unlike one or two other ofﬁcers, never one to shoot a line. ‘Milner-Barry was a very, very good ofﬁcer,’ said Holmes. ‘No pretence to a ﬁghting man but a nice man and we had a lot of fun with him. At his age he could easily have remained at HQ on the staff but he chose to join us on operations and he proved very efﬁcient.’ On 2 March Milner-Barry, Lieutenant Stefan Casulli and 23 other ranks of S Squadron sailed from Haifa. ‘We left at 5pm in some disquiet as there was a gale warning,’ wrote Milner-Barry, who had spent the day purchasing last minute essentials – including a pocket chess set. ‘Our fears were proved only too well founded, as it blew a gale after dinner, and the boat pitched, tossed and rolled, and did everything but sink. Was not sick but deﬁnitely scared as it occurred to me that if we had to swim I should fare ill.’4
Commander Seligman had increased the strength of the ﬂeet from 12 to 30 caiques and he had also enrolled dozens more sailors. One of the volunteers was 18-yearold Reg Osborn, a Londoner who had become bored of Royal Naval routine. After a fortnight’s training he was posted to Dereman as a gunner on caique LS3. ‘A lot of the crews were scallywags who didn’t ﬁt into big ship navy life and the rather relaxed life on the caiques suited them down to the ground,’ he recalled of his shipmates in the LSF. ‘In some respects we were a bit like the French Foreign Legion: they were not interested in your past as long as you knew your job and did it to the best of your ability and with the best of heart. Naval discipline in the accepted sense was neither required nor enforced, and they let you get on with your job.’
While some of the men have lunch others, such as the one walking the Takiarkis’s gangplank, look ready for a swim. (Courtesy of Angie English) One of the men poses for Hank Hancock in the rigging of Takiarkis. (Courtesy of Angie English)
Osborn enjoyed life in the Levant Schooner Flotilla. He grew his black hair long, tied it in place with a silk ribbon, and revelled in his piratical appearance. Yet he knew who the real pirates were. ‘We were a waterborne taxi service [for the SBS],’ he reﬂected. ‘They needed us for our seamanship, there was no mistaking that. They were nice chaps, not all guts and glory, and we had a good rapport but their attitude was “Listen here, mate, you sail this fucking boat!”’7 The role of the LSF was to transport small parties of SBS to their target island. ‘The caiques were really well built for what they had to do,’ reﬂected Osborn. ‘They were pointed stem and stern, shallow bottomed and they didn’t take up much draught.’ Once the SBS patrol had gone ashore the LSF would sail off to another island and lie low on a secluded stretch of coastline. ‘We couldn’t hide up near the target because if we’d been spotted by an E-boat or German caique they would then know we were there for a reason and they’d search for the SBS,’ explained Osborn. Once they had reached their hideout, the ﬁrst task was to camouﬂage the caique. ‘It was a ball-aching job but very effective,’ said Osborn. ‘We dismounted the mast, laid it ﬂat, and covered the boat from stem to stern with this blasted netting. Then using bamboo poles we’d hoist up the netting so that it formed irregular
By the look of things, these men are plucking poultry aboard Takiarkis. (Courtesy of Angie English)
Lieutenant Keith Balsillie of S Squadron took part in the Santorini raid. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
shapes. From the air it was difﬁcult to make out the caique against the rocky coastline.’ With the camouﬂage netting in place, the sailors would wait for a wireless message from the SBS requesting collection. Danger was ever present for Osborn and his crewmates when they sailed the Aegean. The Royal Air Force was in the habit of straﬁng any caique they saw so to prevent the risk of a tragic accident, the LSF agreed a recognition signal with the RAF. ‘To demonstrate that we were British-operated we would haul the jib sail up ﬁve times, pause, and then haul it up another ﬁve times,’ explained Osborn. To reduce the likelihood of attack from the Luftwaffe, the LSF schooners ﬂew the Greek ﬂag with the red and white pennant underneath denoting that the vessel was under German jurisdiction. The LSF had scant respect for the German Navy, considering their seafaring skills vastly inferior to their own, but nevertheless ‘we were constantly keyed up’. Despite it all, however, Osborn considered life in the LSF idyllic compared to the months he had spent serving in the North Atlantic run on ﬂower class corvettes. ‘There were plenty of good times out there in the Med,’ he reﬂected, ‘but there were no good times in the North Atlantic.’ __________
Friday 10 March was a ‘lovely day’, according to Milner-Barry. The weather was dreamy, Stefan Casulli arrived back from the Turkish port of Bodrum with fresh meat and vegetables, and a signal was received from Raiding Forces HQ promising that they were doing their utmost to lift the ban on attacking German targets in the Cyclades. Milner-Barry even managed to install a telephone line connecting the SBS HQ in the Tewﬁk to the LSF HQ aboard LS9. In the following days S Squadron settled into their new home. Captain Bill Blyth arrived, together with Lieutenants Keith Balsillie, Nobby Clarke and Jimmy Lees, and 24 other ranks, and Ian Patterson received orders to attend a conference in Istanbul. Milner-Barry went ashore for the ﬁrst time, to wash in the stream that ran into the inlet, only to encounter a Turkish ofﬁcer. He demanded to know what the British were doing in their waters. ‘I gave the stock reply that we had engine trouble on board but would move as soon as it was cleared,’ wrote Milner-Barry. Then, employing all his considerable charm, the Englishman invited him to visit the Tewﬁk, whereupon a bottle of Syrian Arak was presented to the Turk ‘to seal our neutral friendship’.8 The next day Milner-Barry returned to the mainland, taking with him Bill Blyth and Keith Balsillie. After a wash, the trio ‘walked up the valley for a bit, beautifully fresh and green’ with not a Turk in sight.9
Some of the men of L Squadron relax on board a LSF vessel in March 1943.
The ﬁfth crew member of LS24 was the youngest, a telegraphist called Ronald Carpenter from Cranleigh in Surrey. Although he had spent ﬁve years in the Royal Navy Carpenter had volunteered for the LSF just the previous month, two days before his twentieth birthday, an occasion he ‘celebrated in true sailor fashion’. The same day, 19 March, he received orders to report to HMS Mosquito, the Royal Navy coastal forces base, at 1400 hours. Still drunk, Carpenter ‘was unable to meet the order’, and eventually presented himself at 1700 hours. ‘Felt unsteady, but managed it,’ he wrote in his diary.11 Despite this inauspicious start Carpenter was told to get himself to the LSF base in Beirut. He arrived on the evening of 23 March feeling ‘tired, dirty, hungry and exhausted’. His passage on to Yedi Atala was hampered by bad weather and Carpenter’s motor launch had to put in at Vathi and wait for the storms to pass. ‘I can see myself getting to my schooner … some time next month,’ he complained to his diary on 2 April. Carpenter eventually reached Yedi Atala in the early hours of 5 April. ‘Went on board of LS9 at 1000 hours and was immediately sent on to LS24 (Greek sailing boat),’ he wrote. ‘Only with the Old Man [Tuckey] and me as Englishmen. He is a decent chap, so that we got on all right. Four Special Boat Squadron men and their ofﬁcer came on board at 1600 hours and at 1630 we started off on our operation. Everything seems to have to be a rush for me.’
The operation instructions issued to Captain Bill Blyth by David Sutherland state that their objective was to ‘recee the islands of Calchi and Alimnia’. (Courtesy of SAS Regimental Archive)
hey sailed west out of the Gulf of Gökova before LS24 rounded the Datca Peninsula and headed south-east towards the Loryma Peninsula (known in ancient times as the Bozburun Peninsula). Now their voyage became hazardous. The German Navy patrolled these waters and Carpenter could feel the tension heighten as they sailed at 7 knots towards a small bay near Loryma. ‘In order to get here we had to pass between Rhodes and Simi, both occupied by the enemy,’ he wrote in his diary. ‘So we steamed straight through under the Turkish ﬂag, which seems rather cheap but was safer.’1 They arrived in the bay at 1615 hours on 6 April and were met by an agent from Force 133 who provided them with the latest information concerning the islands of Alimnia and Calchi. Tuckey informed his crew that they would leave for Calchi at 2000 hours that evening; Captain Blyth told his men the same thing. Final preparations were made. Perhaps Carpenter familiarised himself with the Vickers K machine gun he was required to operate in the case of enemy contact, one of two such weapons ﬁtted on LS24 along with an Oerlikon 20mm cannon. As a telegraphist he had had next to no training in its use, either in the Royal Navy or with the LSF. He was also equipped with a Lancaster pistol, a multi-barrelled sidearm that had been popular
Leo Rice was an Australian and a very experienced operator. This was one of a series of portrait photos taken on Leros after an SBS patrol had returned from a reconnaissance of Rhodes in November 1943. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 145
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OPPOSITE
One of the men hand-picked for the mission was George Evans, who was something of a local celebrity in Nottingham on account of his previous exploits. (Courtesy of the Evans Family)
with Victorian army ofﬁcers in the British Raj. It was a strange choice of weapon for Carpenter to carry, stranger still compared with what Blyth and his men carried. Even though they were ostensibly on a reconnaissance mission, the ﬁve SBS were armed for trouble. Stashed on the deck of LS24 was a German Schmeisser sub-machine gun, a Tommy gun, a Bren gun, three riﬂes and three US carbines. Each man also carried two grenades, two Lewes bombs and 12 spare magazines for their particular weapon. In the SBS it was possible to choose your own weapon. Most men carried a Smith & Wesson revolver and then selected a machine gun or a semi-automatic carbine depending on the mission and the level of resistance they expected to meet. As the men lounged around on deck, their hooded sand-coloured windcheaters done up tightly to protect against the wind that whipped across the bay, the trepidation would have been high. None more so than for Private George Evans, the newest recruit to the SBS. Evans had joined the squadron two months earlier from the Sherwood Foresters. Evans was an Eastender by birth, born in Plaistow to a railwayman and his wife, but he had spent his formative years in the Midlands after his father was transferred to Derby. By the time Evans enlisted as a driver in the Sherwood Foresters in January 1939 he had grown into a ﬁne-looking man of 6 feet 2 inches: handsome, adventurous and a heartthrob with all the local girls. In July 1942 the Evans family received a telegram informing them that their George had been reported missing following the fall of Tobruk the previous month. For two months his parents and two sisters had no further news; then on 4 September they received another telegram, this one from George. It said simply: ‘Please don’t worry all well and safe.’ Following this, the war ofﬁce provided more detail: No DIV/II/CAS/SF Army Form B. 104–80B Infantry Record Ofﬁce York 1.9.1942 Sir With reference to previous notiﬁcation I have to inform you that a report has been received from the War Ofﬁce to the effect that (No.) 4976245 (Rank) Private (Name) Evans. Augustus. George
George Evans, far right on the front row, in early 1944. The soldier second from left in the back row is Ray Jones, another member of the Alimnia Patrol. (Courtesy of the Evans Family)
Blyth by Stirling that when he ﬁnally got the overseas posting he craved, to the Infantry Training Depot in Haifa in January 1943, he ‘immediately requested to join the 1st SAS Regiment’.6 He arrived at Kabrit at the end of January, around the time Stirling was captured in Tunisia, and to Blyth fell the burden of trying to bring order to the administrative chaos left behind by the SAS commander. In the subsequent 15 months Blyth proved himself as a special force ofﬁcer, lacking the offensive ardour of an Andy Lassen or Ian Patterson perhaps, but displaying a quiet efﬁciency and resolve during the debacle on Leros. While Blyth was receiving from the Force 133 agent the latest intelligence on enemy movements in the Aegean, the Germans were being given some information of their own. One of their agents in the region had learned that a unit of British commandos were bound for the islands of Calchi and Alimnia. On hearing the intelligence General Kleemann, the German commander on Rhodes, ordered two landing groups to be formed from the 1st Küstenjäger-Abteilung, the coastal raiding unit of the Brandenburger Regiment. In the early hours of 7 April four caiques left the west coast of Rhodes ‘escorted by two attack submarines of the German navy’,7 and deposited a force of Brandenburgers on Calchi whose orders were to establish strong points in anticipation of a British landing. On returning to Rhodes, the ﬂeet collected a second landing force and at 0630 hours set sail for Alimnia. This time they were escorted by a motor launch, Malona, from the Rhodes Flotilla. __________ LS24 sailed out of the small bay at 2000 hours on 6 April, heading in a southwesterly direction towards the island of Calchi. Travelling at 7 knots per hour Tuckey expected to cover the 50 miles in around seven hours. An hour and a half later the vessel had left behind the relative safety of the Turkish coast and was headed towards Rhodes. ‘Everybody at battle stations,’ wrote Carpenter in his diary. ‘Sighted two enemy E-boats when we were between Rhodes and Simi but we were lucky, they did not see us.’ At midnight it was Carpenter’s turn on watch. ‘This was a good reason for taking advantage, to climb
over the gun and to sit down in the dinghy with the Lanchester [sic] and to do nothing other than … ’8 The diary came to an abrupt stop, almost certainly because Carpenter was called away from his lookout duties to decode a message that was sent from David Sutherland at 0034 hours. Carpenter decoded the message and handed it to Tuckey: change of plan, they were ﬁrst to reconnoitre Alimnia and then Calchi. LS24 reached Alimnia at 0200 hours and Blyth and his four men were put ashore onto a small jetty in a cove on the south side of the island. Alimnia was small, just 3 square miles, but its 60 inhabitants considered that its green and hilly interior made their island one of the prettiest in the Dodecanese. The SBS stepped ashore expecting their thorough reconnaissance to last several hours, possibly the whole day. LS24 should have sailed away from the jetty to await the message from Blyth requesting collection, but Tuckey was inexperienced and his crew tired after the night sailing. Blyth might also have been in some part responsible for the decision of Tuckey not to leave the area and return later at a pre-arranged hour. The orders given by Sutherland to Blyth stated that ‘the method and route of recee will be decided before leaving Loryma in conjunction with the CO LS24’.9 Instead of leaving the area and hiding up on a remote stretch of coastline, Tuckey camouﬂaged the vessel and then he and his men lay down to rest and await the return of the commandos. At approximately 0700 hours the small German ﬂeet of four caiques (Caesar, Fritz, Dora and Otto) and the motor launch sailed into the cove and spotted
CAUG AUGHT AUGH UG GHT HT, QUES UESTIONED U UE TIO T IONED D, VA ANISHED AN ANI NISHE SH HED
Sergeant Helmut Viebrock acting as translator. Before the war the 31-year-old Viebrock had taught English at the university of Marburg. He was the author of a book entitled Experience and Design of Beauty in the Poetry of William Wordsworth and Blyth was astounded by the excellence of Viebrock’s English, considering it of the standard ‘usual only amongst the highly educated British’.12 Both men declined to answer any questions other than to give their name, rank and number. Blyth and Tuckey slept in their cells and the next day, just before midday, Blyth was put on an aircraft and ﬂown to Athens at the behest of the Interrogation and Counter-Intelligence branch of Army Group E. Tuckey was driven to Rhodi prison and imprisoned with the other eight men. Three days later the four SBS soldiers were ﬂown to Salonika where they were met by Oberleutnant Straud and Sonderführer Helmut Poliza of Army Group E’s Interrogation and CounterIntelligence branch. None of the soldiers had revealed anything to the Germans since their capture but Nikolaos Velesariou and Michele Lisgaris had ‘talked freely’.13 So too Ronald Carpenter, who was in a most unenviable position. The Germans had his diary.
Rayy Jo Ra JJones Jone on nees es (foreground) (for (f oreg egro roun und) d) aand nd d his comrades proved ‘obstinate’ during their interrogation, giving the Germans the barest of information. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
George Miller alone of the prisoners refused to be engaged in conversation. Perhaps he realised early on his mistake in telling his captors he lived on the Lewis Estate in Camberwell, south London. Thereafter ‘he declined any questions having military content, despite repeated attempts’.16 The only thing Miller would say, as all the men said, was that the three Greek ﬁshermen on Alimnia had been coerced into hiding them on their boat. After six days of captivity, the three men were released. The last question put to Poliza concerned the prisoners’ Sonderbehandlung (‘special treatment’). Had a date yet been set? Poliza replied that ‘the people are to be handed over to the SD tomorrow morning [15 April] but are to be further interrogated. The date for the special treatment will be decided by the SD.’17 Sonderbehandlung was the Nazi euphemism for liquidation. For reasons unknown the four SBS men were not handed over to the SD on 15 April. They remained in Salonika, where they were joined by Allan Tuckey and Ronald Carpenter and subjected to more persistent questioning. Carpenter was continuing to co-operate with the Germans and had even agreed to testify that Turkey had knowingly allowed British forces to infringe its neutrality. Tuckey was proving altogether more unhelpful. While he was happy to discourse on a number of subjects with his inquisitors, describing the British Labour party as a ‘necessary evil’, labelling Americans ‘a nuisance and boring’ and lauding the leadership skills of Winston Churchill, Tuckey became reticent when the conversation turned to military matters. ‘He expressed himself with vagueness and avoidance instead refusing concisely to make statements about items to be kept secret,’ complained Oberleutnant Straud, his interrogator, who didn’t much care for the Englishman. ‘He talks in an ironical, often conceited manner and makes demands
George Miller, MM, was unﬂappable and another of the men specially chosen by Sutherland for the mission to Alimnia. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Standing lower left is Lieutenant Stefan Casulli killed in the Santorini raid in 1944 and top right is Captain Anders Lassen. (Imperial War Museum, HU 71434)
with respect to his treatment,’ continued Straud in his report, adding bitterly: ‘He belongs to that class of young intellectual Englishmen who show their self-conﬁdence by ironical and sarcastic superiority.’18 The Germans had not had much luck either with Captain Bill Blyth. A week after his capture he had revealed nothing of consequence, merely telling the Germans what they could have worked out for themselves. His interrogator wrote that Blyth was ‘an experienced professional soldier who avoided important statements’ during questioning. Ominously, however, Oberleutnant Lochner, a 26-year-old German of Greek extraction who was tall and thin with slicked-back black hair, believed the British ofﬁcer was ‘well informed of the structure, force-distribution and deployment possibilities of the Raiding Forces’.19 Acting on this statement the Germans ordered a Dr Mueller-Faure to subject Blyth to a more forceful interrogation at Stalag 7A, a prisoner of war camp in Moosburg, southern Germany, where Blyth was ﬂown from Athens. The exact nature of the interrogation was not revealed but in similar scenarios in 1944 a SAS lieutenant captured in France was beaten ‘until the whites of his ribs showed’, while another ofﬁcer was put in the Schaukel position; his ankles tied to his wrists and an
iron bar then passed through his elbow and knee junctures before he was suspended from a step ladder. Whatever the methods of Mueller-Faure, they were effective. Blyth began to talk. He described how the SBS was split into three Squadrons – L, S and M, the letters denoting the names of the commanders. He revealed what weapons the squadron carried, how they trained with boats and he described the unit’s badge as a ‘suspended winged perpendicular sword with the motto underneath “Who Dares Wins”.20 But what Blyth did not reveal, despite the best efforts of MuellerFaure, was names. Jellicoe, Sutherland, Lassen, Patterson, Lapraik, none of them passed his lips. Nor did the location of Raiding Force HQ. It was in Palestine, he admitted, ‘by a lake’, but he didn’t know the name of the lake. Back in Salonika, the Interrogation and Counter-Intelligence branch of Army Group E sent a telex on 26 April in which they said that further questioning of the prisoners had proved ‘fruitless’. They asked whether now was not the time to hand them over to the SD. The reply came the following day, 27 April, from Lieutenant-Colonel Von Harling, the senior intelligence ofﬁcer. He said that Ronald Carpenter and Michele Lisgaris were to be kept alive in the event that Hitler decided to challenge Turkey on its neutrality. As for the remaining prisoners, they were to be handed over to the SD ‘for any further interrogation still of interest to them, and for subsequent special treatment in accordance with the Führer’s order’.21 Also on 27 April a telex was sent to Colonel Otto Burger, commandant of Stalag 7A, ordering him to hand over Captain Blyth to the local SD ‘in accordance with the Führer’s order No: 003830/42g top secret of 18/10/42’.22 Burger ignored the instruction, as he had a similar demand the previous week. In the following weeks Army Group E forgot about the whole Alminia incident. Then on 22 May a bureaucrat somewhere remembered that Carpenter and Lisgaris were still being held prisoner. A telex was sent to General Walter Warlimont, Deputy Chief of the Armed Forces Operations Staff, asking for guidance. It took Warlimont nearly two weeks to reply but on 4 June he sent a telex saying: ‘The British wireless operator Carpenter and the Greek sailor Lisgaris, captured off Alimnia, are no longer required and are released for Special Treatment.’23
n 16 April, the day Captain Blyth was being brutalised at the hands of Dr Mueller-Faure, David Sutherland received word from Raiding Forces HQ that the operational ban in the Cyclades was lifted. Immediately Sutherland disappeared into the operations room inside Tewﬁk to consult his charts. ‘My plan,’ he wrote, ‘was to attack Mykonos, Ios and Thira simultaneously, priority targets to be shipping and communications.’1 By now the SBS knew that Blyth and his men had been captured. ‘We heard the news from the Greeks,’ recalled Dick Holmes, a reference to the three ﬁshermen released after six days of interrogation on Rhodes. Although the SBS had no indication as to the fate of their comrades, Holmes said they had a pretty good idea of what would happen. ‘We were never told what to do if captured. We had no interrogation training, but we didn’t really expect to be captured. It was more likely we would be shot.’2 Consequently, said Holmes, ‘we were not so keen on taking prisoners’. Doug Wright agreed. The disappearance of the Alimnia Patrol triggered a change in philosophy among the SBS. The days of treating prisoners to ice cream in Groppi’s was over. ‘There was a lot of killing in the Dodecanese,’ said Wright, who himself was reputed to have killed eight of the enemy with his bare hands. ‘Sometimes we’d
M Squadron enjoying some down time between raids in the summer of 1944. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 157
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY May 1944: Martin Conby, John Lodwick, Sean O’Reilly, Hank Hancock, Tig Harrison, (middle) Lynch, Porter Jarrell, Mick D’Arcy, Bartie, Jock Cree, Grainger Laverick, (front) Malorie, Patsy Henderson. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
bring one back for interrogation but mostly we’d just kill them. We didn’t really have much respect for them, the Germans.’3 One German, Obergefreiter Adolf Lang, had had the good fortune to be captured before news of the Alimnia Patrol reached the SBS. He told his captors everything, including what he knew of German troop dispositions on the island of Santorini (Thira, to the Greeks), where he had been stationed for the duration of December 1943. ‘The garrison consisted of 20 Germans and 30 Italians,’ explained Lang, who then pointed out on a map of the island the location of the barracks and radar station. Sutherland told Lassen to visit Santorini. There were three objectives in the operation order issued to the Dane on 19 April: (i) To destroy, capture or entice enemy shipping in Santorini. (ii) To destroy enemy communication and personnel on Santorini island. (iii) To attack other opportunity targets as they occur.4
The 19-strong party landed at Santorini in the early hours of 23 April 1944 after a three-day sail from their Turkish base. The force was divided into two patrols: ‘P’ led by Lassen and ‘Z’ commanded by Lieutenant Keith Balsillie. The raiders hid in a cave overlooking the inland village of Vourvoulos during the day, while Lieutenant Stefan Casulli and their Greek interpreter went into the village to obtain intelligence.
‘The operations were well planned and carried out in a highly professional way at all levels.’ David Sutherland Shortly before midnight the raiders moved off. Balsillie’s target was the wireless station at Murivigli while Lassen and his men headed a mile south to the main barracks that were in an old bank. Included in Lassen’s patrol was Sammy Trafford. He recalled that at one point their Danish captain called a halt to their approach ‘and made everyone swallow two tablets of Benzedrine pills, watching them go down before taking two himself. He wanted us wide awake. He was a good organiser, a hitman and a killer.’6 Another of the raiders, signaller Billy Reeves, remembered that ‘Lassen’s motto on prisoners that night seemed to be “don’t take any”.’7
There were only nine of them in total, seven billeted in Mykonos town and two stationed in the lighthouse at the end of a spit. The attack commenced at 0530 hours the next morning, the SBS having ﬁrst observed the target from behind the garden wall of the villa that served as the billet. ‘The sentry was seen on the balcony and from 40 yards Pct [parachutist] Lynch shot him through the ﬁfth rib on the right side,’ Lodwick wrote in his operational report. ‘The sentry, subsequently identiﬁed to be the Unterofﬁzier I/C died in two minutes. We then rushed the lower balcony, three grenades, two No.36 and one phosphorous, were thrown up the stairs and the Germans, who later declared that they had sprung out of bed at the ﬁrst shot, replied with two more, a small piece from one of which went into my behind.’10 Lodwick and his men spread out around the villa and orders were shouted for the Germans to surrender. There was no response from inside. The SBS shot the aerial off the roof so their enemy had no recourse to the wireless. ‘The attack now developed into a siege,’ wrote Lodwick. Lodwick had despatched three local men to deal with the two Germans in the lighthouse with explicit orders not to kill them. The Greeks obeyed their instructions and now arrived at the villa with two very frightened young Germans. ‘I took one
Members of M Squadron, who replaced S Squadron in June 1944 and focused their energies on the Sporades, the islands in the north of the Aegean. (Courtesy of Angie English)
of these prisoners to the garden wall and ordered him to tell his comrades that unless they surrendered immediately we would burn the house down with the aid of a dump of petrol in its grounds,’ recalled Lodwick. ‘The Germans surrendered immediately.’11
already escaped). The only man left on Amorgos was the ofﬁcer in charge, Lieutenant Schiller, who was taking advantage of the solitude to spend time with his Greek mistress. Called upon by Clarke to surrender, the German refused. ‘He was a stupid little man and he wasted a great deal of my time,’ wrote Clarke in his report.12 While Clarke eliminated the disobedient German, Holmes, Crouch and Sanders were sent to Nisiro with instructions to ﬁnd out what had been happening on the island since Patterson’s L Squadron had visited two months earlier. The three men carried out a thorough reconnaissance, noting that the majority of the German troops on Nisiro were garrisoned to the north in Pali. They sketched the position of three coastal guns and learned that the Germans were ‘short of food [and] they conﬁscated goats and cheese from local inhabitants’. Furthermore, some German engineers had visited Nisiro on 6 April to ‘ascertain possibilities of mining sulphur’. The second purpose of the mission to Nisiro was to capture a German for interrogation. ‘The Greek who was guiding us put us in a cave at the end of a gully,’ remembered Holmes, who removed his boots before slipping into his sleeping bag. Early the next morning the soldiers were preparing to move out of their cave when a German appeared at the entrance. ‘He probably heard our voices,’ reﬂected
Dick Holmes, seen here on one of the Dodecanese Islands, likened the campaign of warfare carried out by S Squadron in May 1944 as ‘terrorism’. (Courtesy of Angie English)
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY ‘Mac’ Macauly (centre) bandages the wrist of Duggie Pomford after he had been wounded by shrapnel from a grenade during an island raid. Lieutenant Nobby Clarke watches. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Immediately after Wright ceased ﬁring Duggie Pomford dashed forward, throwing a grenade through a window and then ﬁring a quick burst from his Tommy gun. Clarke called on the Germans to surrender. Instead they chose to burst out of the building, guns blazing as if they were Wild West bandits ﬂeeing a botched bank raid. Two of the ten escaped in the darkness; the rest were shot dead. ‘It wasn’t possible to take many prisoners,’ reﬂected Wright, who was awarded the Military Medal for his part in the attack as its success was ‘to a very great extent due to the work of this NCO’. At Raiding Forces HQ in Azzib, there was widespread delight at all the destruction being wrought on the islands. An Intelligence Report, written in the ﬁrst week of May, described April’s activities and ended with the following: Tribute is paid many times to Raiding Forces, agents and Greeks alike in the captured German orders from Mykonos, but none so gratifying to all concerned as the phrase: WIR BEFINDEN UNS IN FEINDES LAND written across the middle of a page of security instructions. Translation (approx.) ‘WE ARE LIVING IN AN ENEMY COUNTRY’.13
__________ May continued where April had left off as far as the SBS was concerned. Lassen led a patrol to Paros – just 70 miles south of the Greek mainland – with the intention of destroying an airstrip in the throes of construction. But the target was well guarded and Lassen, no doubt mindful of his experience on Crete the previous July, aborted the attack. Nonetheless they did not leave the island empty-handed; an ofﬁcer and three soldiers were killed in a raid on one billet and a similar number of enemy soldiers disposed of on a second assault. On the nearby island of Naxos Nobby Clarke was again creating havoc with his patrol. A single German garrison containing one ofﬁcer and 17 men was attacked on 22 May. Once again devastatingly accurate bursts of ﬁre from Doug Wright’s Bren terrorised the Germans, and as on Amorgos Duggie Pomford ‘conducted himself with coolness and complete disregard for danger’, for which he was awarded a bar to his Military Medal.14
Hank Hancock took this photo of Dick Holmes on board Tewﬁk. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
Those left alive surrendered, including one sergeant who provided much amusement on the sea voyage home. ‘Every ﬁve minutes he would stand up, give a Nazi salute and shout “Heil Hitler”,’ recalled Wright. ‘He was a ﬁne ﬁgure of a man but completely brainwashed.’ Though Clarke’s patrol were on their way back to their base in Turkey there was still great danger in the Aegean. ‘On the way back the motor blew so we had to sail across,’ remembered Holmes. ‘On a couple of occasions German aircraft came in low to investigate us but fortunately some of the boys had taken to wearing the German peaked caps and we carried a lot of German weapons so that fooled the pilots. It was pretty nerve-wracking but the Levant [Schooner] crew were cool customers.’ At the end of May S Squadron received orders to return to Palestine. Sutherland, who not wishing to miss out on the action had led a raid against the island of Saphos, totted up the squadron’s scorecard in the previous two months: three caiques captured and 12 sunk or damaged; three wireless stations destroyed and 11 more captured; three cable stations destroyed and dozens of enemy soldiers killed or captured. In addition 25 tons of much needed food had been distributed to the malnourished inhabitants of the islands. On the debit side, the SBS had suffered two fatalities (Lieutenant Casulli and Sergeant Kingston) and Bill Blyth and his four men were in enemy hands. ‘I reﬂected as we sailed quietly south back to Beirut how special these ofﬁcers and men were,’ recalled Sutherland. ‘The operations were well planned and carried out in a highly professional way at all levels.’15 Donald Grant, the American war correspondent who had arrived in Turkish waters with Sutherland in March, had accompanied the SBS on one raid to see ﬁrst-hand their skill in guerrilla warfare. He subsequently described the experience in a radio broadcast made on 22 May: ‘One cold morning, with spring fresh on the mountainside, where nimble-footed goats stepped over wild ﬂowers, a British patrol took me with them while they ambushed and killed the commandant of a certain German garrison walking with his young bodyguard along a narrow gravel road.’* Grant then described how on patrol, … no-one washes because the water is scarce and no one ever takes his clothes off at night. There is considerable variation in uniform, but all are dirty, greasy and torn. About the only common garment to all Raiding Force men is a strangely hooded jacket, which makes them appear to be a band of Robin Hood’s merry men, stepped out of a story book, complete with knives slung at their belts.16 * This was on the island of Piscopi when a patrol led by Keith Balsillie killed the commandant after luring him from his ofﬁce with a present of a ‘big, fat pig’ for his lunch.
he storm of carnage that had swept through the Aegean in the ﬁrst months of 1944 frightened the Germans. Though the division garrisoned in Rhodes was of a high calibre, many of the reinforcements that had been drafted in to defend the other islands at the end of 1943 were of an inferior quality, men who were recovering both physically and emotionally from their experiences on the Russian front. Promised that the Aegean would offer them sun, sea and serenity, they were terriﬁed by the bearded British pirates who visited upon the islands a whirlwind of violence. ‘Gone for ever were the days when the German defenders would be found in bed,’ wrote John Lodwick. ‘The German defenders now slept increasingly in slit trenches with barbed wire for their eiderdown.’1 In May 1944 the Germans felt compelled to fortify the Aegean Islands with an additional 4,000 soldiers at a time when they could ill afford to divert troops from other fronts. Into this maelstrom of reinforced steel sailed M Squadron, sent north to replace David Sutherland and his men. They were led not by Ian Lapraik – unavoidably detained in Alexandria – but by his second-in-command Stewart Macbeth, a former aide de camp to General Kenneth Anderson, commander of the First Army in Tunisia. According to Lodwick, Macbeth ‘was a young man of a type so far unknown and very badly needed in the SBS … tactful, possessed
The SBS and LSF pose after the return from a successful raid. Note that some of the men are wearing items of clothing taken from dead or captured Germans. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive) 169
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY By the end of the summer of 1944 the SBS left the Dodecanese in the capable hands of the Greek Sacred Squadron, some of whom are seen here. (Courtesy of Angie English)
considerable charm of manner … the unit’s professional diplomatist, smoother of rufﬂed feathers and envoy extraordinary’.2 Macbeth, aware that the Germans had strengthened the islands, decided upon a change of strategy. Instead of focusing their energies on the Cyclades and the Dodecanese, M Squadron would concentrate on the Sporades, the islands in the north of the Aegean. Captains Jimmy Lees and Charles Bimrose led patrols into these islands where for two weeks they carried out reconnaissance missions. Here the SBS had their ﬁrst encounter with ELAS, the left-wing guerrilla ﬁghters who in time would prove to be as awkward as they were courageous.* Meanwhile Lieutenant Bob Bury was also having difﬁculties with the Greeks, who mistook his caique and his men for Germans on numerous occasions as they toured the Sporades searching out targets. Eventually, however, the Greeks, recovering from their surprise of ﬁnding British commandos so far north, advised him to visit the island of Pelagos. The small German garrison was billeted in a monastery, Bury was told, which turned out to be true. It was a 16th-century postByzantine monastery located on top of a hill overlooking the sea on the eastern * ELAS, the Greek People’s Liberation Army, was the military arm of the predominantly communist National Liberation Front EAM.
see the enemy moving across the hills all around. For hours the pair moved cautiously from rock to rock and from shrub to shrub, evading the frequent German patrols that passed close by. Eventually they reached the cave and for the two days the men laid low until ‘it had seemed to quieten down’.5 Eventually Lees considered it safe enough to lead his men to the beach where they were picked up by a LSF caique in the dead of night.
year in a raid on enemy shipping at Bordeaux that gave rise to the legend of the ‘Cockleshell Heroes’. A section of this unit had been posted to the Middle East in early 1944 and they were only too glad to accept the assignment. Three canoe parties paddled silently into Porto Lago and with the aid of limpet mines sank an ammunition ship and two escort vessels, causing serious damage to the Turbine and the second destroyer. Both ships were towed back to Athens for repairs, much to the satisfaction of Lapraik who sent Macbeth to Simi on a reconnaissance in the ﬁrst week of July. Upon his return Lapraik and Turnbull, who had decided to lead the attack in person, sailed from Yedi Atala towards the island in a ﬂotilla comprising ten motor launches and two schooners and 220 soldiers, 139 of whom were from the Greek Sacred Squadron. Turnbill split his force into three. ‘Main Force’, under his command and with Lapraik as his second-in-command, would attack Simi Town in the north of the island, the objective being to neutralise the German HQ in the medieval castle overlooking the harbour; Stewart Macbeth and ‘South Force’ had the task of assaulting the monastery of St Michel in the south of the island; Captain Charles Clynes, a 26-year-old Northern Irishman, would lead ‘West Force’ against the caique yard that lay in the harbour close to Simi Town. Ken Smith was in West Force. ‘We spent the whole night climbing up [the hill overlooking the harbour] with 3-inch mortars,’ he recalled. By dawn they were in position watching two ‘Ems’ barges and a couple of German caiques sail out of the harbour. ‘We saw the convoy leave and as soon as they were out of sight the ﬁrst mortar landed,’ said Smith, part of a Bren gun crew with instructions to target a coastal gun on the other side of the harbour. ‘As dawn broke we couldn’t see the gun, it was too well camouﬂaged. But they gave themselves away because as dawn broke the men – about ten of them – began to move around and stretch, and then amble down to the house in the harbour.’7
Duggie Pomford dresses up as a German while onboard one of the SBS caiques. By this disguise the SBS managed to avoid attacks by the Luftwaﬀe. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
A member of the Levant Flotilla Schooner. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
The SBS’s Bren guns began ﬁring, cutting down the Germans and sending those unscathed scurrying back to the house. Clynes called a halt, and then sent in the Greek Sacred Squadron to mop up the last of the German resistance. ‘All I can remember, then,’ wrote Clynes subsequently, ‘is a general surge up the slope and two small and pathetic white handkerchiefs waving at the top of it. I ordered a “Cease ﬁre” all round and began to count my prisoners.’8 The two barges had not sailed far from the harbour before they were confronted by ﬁve of the British motor launches. More white ﬂags were waved. With the harbour in the hands of the invaders, Smith was ordered to take his Bren gun and help out at the castle where a ﬁerce ﬁreﬁght was in progress. As Smith scrambled towards a suitable ﬁring position he came under ﬁre himself. ‘Someone opened up on me, bullets whizzing down,’ he recalled. ‘I dived to ground and got my head against a rock and I could feel the vibrations of the bullets hitting the rock.’9 By 0900 hours Turnbull’s Main Force had advanced to within 800 yards of the castle ramparts, but despite a combination of mortar rounds and cannon ﬁre from the motor launches, the Germans showed no inclination to surrender. In the south of Simi, meanwhile, Stewart Macbeth’s South Force had blasted the Germans out of the monastery and pursued them down to the edge of the island. The Germans were trapped; it was either give up or jump to their death. Having received an assurance from Macbeth that they would not be handed over to the locals for summary execution, the Germans surrendered. Back at the castle the British were making little headway. Recognizing that a change of tactic was required, Brigadier Turnbull sent a petty ofﬁcer from one of the captured Em Barges into the castle to inform the garrison commander of the hopelessness of his position. The naval ofﬁcer returned with an encouraging message; the Germans were willing to parley. Having ﬁrst given a brief demonstration of the ﬁrepower at his disposal, Turnbull then sent one of his young lieutenants, the German-speaking Kenneth Fox, into the castle, along with a more senior
he Special Boat Squadron were no longer under the command of Brigadier Turnbull, who remained with Raiding Forces HQ in the Gulf of Kos, but instead answered to Land Forces Adriatic (LFA), commanded by Brigadier George Davy.* The LFA was based at Bari, on the east coast of Italy, and for a couple of weeks the squadron remained in the city while a suitable base was found. Doug Wright, Duggie Pomford and four other members of the squadron kept ﬁt in Bari by sparring with an NCO in the US Army. His name was Joe Louis, the then reigning heavyweight champion of the world. ‘Six of us did three minute rounds with him,’ recalled Wright, himself a decent light heavyweight amateur before the war. ‘He didn’t hit us, that was the condition that we sparred with him!’1 The new home of the SBS was in the town of Monte St Angelo on the spur of the Italian boot. Situated at 2,500 feet above sea level, the town was in the Gargano Peninsula, a ‘barren waste of granite and virgin forest which provides the only topographical relief in 800 miles of Italian Adriatic coastline’. The Long Range Desert Group were already in the town, a chance for the SBS to renew old acquaintances and receive thorough brieﬁngs on the situation across the Adriatic in Yugoslavia and Albania. * In autumn 1944 the islands of the Aegean began toppling like dominos as the Germans were ousted, either with a ﬁght or in some cases with barely a shot being ﬁred.
Members of the Greek Sacred Squadron, who took part in the audacious raid on Simi, in July 1944. (Courtesy of Angie English) 177
Des Marshall, one of L Squadron’s signallers, on leave in Beirut in the autumn of 1944. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
On the evening of 27 August Andy Lassen and 11 men, including a signaller and a Royal Engineer corporal, crossed the 100 miles of Adriatic that separated Italy from Yugoslavia in a fast motor launch. ‘We were all carrying two rucksacks,’ recalled Dick Holmes. ‘One contained our own kit and the other ﬁfty pounds of plastic explosive, so there wasn’t much room on board.’2 The explosives were to be used to blow up a railway bridge over a gorge inland from Gruda, a village approximately 20 miles south of the port of Dubrovnik. ‘According to our intelligence there should have been ten partisans and a couple of mules waiting for us when we arrived,’ said Holmes. ‘But there were no mules and the partisans couldn’t carry our explosives so we had to carry them.’ The route inland was treacherous, particularly at night. Steep ascents criss-crossed with narrow, crumbling footpaths. Weighed down with their packs the raiders’ progress was slow and tortuous. ‘It took us a couple of night marches to reach the bridge,’ recalled Wright. ‘But ﬁnally we reached a mountainside from where we could see the target.’ The region was known to be rife not just with Germans but with their barbarous allies, the fascist Ustashi, whose predilection for savagery surpassed even that of the Nazis. In 1942 the Gestapo compiled a report in which they described how the ‘Ustashi committed their deeds in a bestial manner not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless old people, women and children’.3 The next day the SBS kept the bridge under surveillance, noting the timings of trains and any other activity. The following evening, 30 August, they made their way down to the bridge. ‘To our delight we discovered that the Germans had already drilled holes ready for its demolition,’ recalled Wright. ‘They were planning to blow it once they’d retreated north.’ The SBS soldiers attached electric charges to each of the bridge’s abutments while a corporal from the Royal Engineers made a junction box with a primer cord to each charge. It took only a few minutes but the minutes felt like hours
to the saboteurs as the sapper inspected the 500lb lb of explosive. er Once the wiring from the charges to the plunger was in place, Holmes and Lassen crouched behind a large rock 200 feet from the bridge. ‘On the count of three I pressed down on the plunger but nothing ng d happened, there was no proper connection,’ recalled Holmes. ‘I tried again but the same result.’ Lassen n o ordered Holmes to clean the plunger, believing that to be the source of the problem. ‘I unscrewed the terminals ls s. and polished and replaced the wires,’ recalled Holmes. ‘We pressed once more and again there was nothing.’ By now the air was blue with Lassen’s profanities.. Ignoring the insults, the engineer scrambled down to o the bridge to implement plan B. Running a safety fusee from the detonator back to the rock, he struck a match h and assured the SBS that this method was fail-safe. ‘Butt after three minutes the bridge was still standing and d Lassen was starting to get impatient again,’ explained Holmes. ‘He wanted to go down and have a look for himself. Then suddenly the whole lot goes up and great chunks of masonry begin raining down on us. One bloody big piece ﬂew past over head. It’s amazing no one got killed.’ The SBS men did not stay to admire their destructive handiwork. ‘The job itself was easy,’ reﬂected Wright. ‘It was afterwards when it was tricky.’ Leaving behind a thick pall of yellow dust the British raiders hurried high up into the mountains until they reached the sanctuary of the partisan HQ. ‘There were a couple of young women among them who made us a big cauldron of delicious stew,’ remembered Wright. ‘Then we got our heads down and slept like babies.’ In his ofﬁcial report on the blowing of the bridge, Lassen wrote that ‘on the morning of 2 Sept 44, this [partisan] HQ was surrounded by 400 Ustashi and Germans and ﬁghting began. Lt [Jim] Henshaw with ﬁve men defended one ridge. Later a withdrawal was ordered and carried out successfully.’4 Both Wright and Holmes have different recollections of the morning events. ‘We ran,’ recalled Wright. ‘That’s the only way to do it. Hit and run, that’s how we operated. We don’t want to lose highly trained men. There was no point in ﬁghting. You’ve got to at times but no point in sticking your neck out when you’re only ten.’
Unlike a lot of photos taken by the wartime SBS, Albert Layzell scribbled details on the back of this snap to remind himself ‘who’, ‘where’ and ‘when’ … (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
A patrol from L Squadron poses near Kozani, Albania, as they chased the Germans north out of Greece. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
Holmes remembered that they were woken by a shout from a breathless and terriﬁed partisan. ‘Ustashi!’ he blurted out and, turning to the British, he added ‘Very bad.’ In the grey dawn light Holmes saw between 50 and 75 Germans and Ustashi advancing up the mountain towards their hideout, the ofﬁcer in charge blowing a whistle and exhorting his men to move more quickly. Lassen ordered his men to take up defensive positions along the rim of a hollow. ‘He decided to engage the approaching enemy troops to the disgust of the rest of us,’ reﬂected Holmes. ‘I believe he was anxious to impress the partisans … we had done what we had been asked to do. Nothing would be gained by staying to ﬁght.’ Holmes said that the subsequent myth of a heroic last stand was perpetuated by an SBS sergeant ‘who was not even there’. What actually happened was that as the enemy advanced ever closer the partisans bolted. Holmes spotted their departure and passed the news on to Lassen. ‘He didn’t believe me at ﬁrst but he rushed up just in time to see the last of our friends disappearing round a bend in the path,’ explained Holmes. ‘As soon as he realised we were on our own he gave the order to get the hell out. We took to our heels, leaving our rucksacks behind. During the course of our hasty retreat Doug Wright ﬁred a burst from his Bren gun and I loosed off a short burst from my Tommy gun. These were the only shots ﬁred.’ ‘We split up into twos and were given a rendezvous four days later,’ said Wright, who paired off with Holmes as they ran further up the mountain. ‘We were up in the hills for three or four days with no food,’ added Holmes. ‘I had, as we all did, a mixture of oatmeal, sugar and chocolate but … no utensil to put it in.’ Eventually they encountered the partisans again who gave them some roasted potatoes and told Wright that the two women who had fed them a few nights earlier had been caught by the Ustashi and ‘chopped to bits’. The partisans rounded up the British raiders (all except the Royal Engineer who never made the rendezvous) and guided them to the pick-up beach in the early hours of 6 September. ‘We hid among some bushes and signalled out to sea,’ said Holmes. ‘A searchlight suddenly sent its beam out to sea and caught in it was
a small boat. We assumed it was our launch and quickly decided that it would not risk collecting us that night.’ Holmes felt his spirits plunge. His feet were in agony from all the marching through the mountains of the previous week and because he had been compelled to leave behind his rucksack he had had no change of socks for days. ‘Suddenly we spotted a boat coming towards us and a voice called out “SBS”,’ said Holmes. ‘We recognised George Jellicoe’s voice. It heaved to and we were ferried aboard in inﬂatable dinghies.’ The men crowded below and within moments most were asleep. When Holmes woke his feet were so badly swollen that he had to cut off his socks in strips. Back at their base in Italy he went to see the squadron medical ofﬁcer, ‘and got a little testy when he made a stupid remark concerning changing my socks more often’. __________ More S Squadron patrols were inserted into Yugoslavia in September but none met with much success, nor much help from the locals. ‘Yugoslavia was a difﬁcult place to operate and bridges were about the only things we could attack,’ said Holmes. ‘The Yugoslavs didn’t want us there, Tito didn’t, and they were uncooperative and suspicious.’
L Squadron in less demanding circumstances, making the most of a rest period in Greece. (Courtesy of David Henry)
The job itself was easy… It was afterwards when it was tricky.’ Doug Wright
‘with Royalists and Communists ﬁghting each other to the death in Albania and Yugoslavia.’10 Sutherland decided that the squadron’s cause would best be served if he was on the ground alongside his men rather than back in southern Italy, so he parachuted into Albania and based himself just south of the town of Permet close to the border with Greece. Waiting for him were some of the squadron’s most experienced operators, including Duggie Pomford, Stud Stellin and Jimmy Lees. They looked as Sutherland soon felt – exasperated at the sullen truculence of the communist partisans in the area. Sutherland was informed by their interpreter that the partisan leader ‘does not like your arrival on the scene as this will spoil his personal standing with his political and military superiors’.11 Sutherland was advised to move his men further north, which he did the following day, ﬁnding the Albanian peasants inﬁnitely more agreeable than the partisans. They were fed royally at each village, plied with ‘spectacular meals of veal and poussin with rare Albanian steaks soaked in wine’.12 Of the enemy there was no sign; most had already ﬂed north so the SBS contented themselves with shooting ducks in the marshland: less dangerous and inﬁnitely more delicious. The bountiful food in Albania was one of the few pleasures of the squadron’s operations in the Balkans that autumn. The men, Sutherland remembered, ‘longed for the sound of Greek voices again, and for the feeling of trust and co-operation’ which they had experienced in the ﬁrst half of the year.13 In fact the SBS were about to become reacquainted with the Greeks but the bond of friendship they had developed with the islanders in the Aegean was to be broken on the mainland as the internecine conﬂict that had caused so much mistrust in Yugoslavia and Albania spread to Greece.
Young women, such as this Albanian partisan, often proved braver and more reliable than their male counterparts. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
y September 1944 the Third Reich was on its way to defeat. Squeezed on two fronts, Germany began recalling its troops from the Balkans to defend its border from the Soviet troops rampaging westwards. As German soldiers streamed north from Greece, up through Albania and Yugoslavia, Winston Churchill demanded that his chiefs of staff act quickly to ensure that British troops beat their Soviet allies into Greece. The problem faced by Britain was a lack of resources; with so many soldiers ﬁghting their way up Italy or across France, there simply were not enough troops in the Mediterranean theatre to meet Churchill’s insistence that a force of 5,000 march on Athens. The Americans were not interested in helping either, so instead the British turned to its air force and special forces to seize a series of key objectives while they waited for additional troops to arrive from elsewhere. First into action was M Squadron, now led by Andy Lassen following the transfer of Ian Lapraik to the Greek Sacred Squadron. M Squadron was part of ‘Foxforce’, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Ronnie Tod of No.9 Commando. Foxforce consisted of commandos, SBS, Greek Sacred Squadron, LRDG and the Raiding Support Regiment. Tod was answerable to the 2nd Special Service Brigade that came under overall control of Brigadier Davy’s Land Forces Adriatic. On 15 September Foxforce occupied the island of Kythira, 6 miles south of the Peloponnese, the large peninsula in southern Greece. The island was a good base
Ian Patterson and his L Squadron carried out a series of patrols in the Bay of Salamis prior to the advance into Athens in October 1944. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell) 187
from which to launch operations on the Greek mainland and the British established a naval base on the south of the island. From here the SBS and LRDG began reconnoitring the islands in the Bay of Athens. Meanwhile L Squadron was handed the task of seizing the airﬁeld at Araxes in the north-west of the Peloponnese. This would allow air support to be provided for all subsequent land operations in Greece. After an initial reconnaissance of the
Despite Bimrose’s pugnacity the Germans made what the SBS considered an orderly withdrawal from Patras on the night of 3 October. Milner-Barry and George Jellicoe entered the port at 0800 hours the following morning, accompanied by an ELAS Brigade Commander. From their jeep ﬂew the ﬂags of their respective nations. ‘Terriﬁc reception,’ Milner-Barry wrote in his diary. ‘Carpet on the streets, ﬂowers and lovely girls on balconies.’2 A sizeable press corps followed the SBS into Patras and one American correspondent wrote that ‘Major Earl Jellicoe, son of the famous British admiral, commanded the Allied forces into Patras’. It was hoped, added the correspondent, that the fall of the port ‘might clear the way for a major Allied operation in Greece that could result in the liberation of the entire country within two weeks’.3 To expedite such an ambition, Patterson set off in pursuit of the Germans who had sailed out of Patras heading east up the Gulf of Corinth towards the Corinth Canal. In a convoy of jeeps the SBS roared along the headland overlooking the gulf, a captured ﬁeld gun hitched to the back of Patterson’s vehicle. Whenever the
The communist graﬃti behind these men of L Squadron in Athens gives a clue to the trouble brewing within Greece following the German withdrawal. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
German ﬂeet came into view, Patterson loosed off a few shells. ‘It was not altogether satisfactory as the Germans had removed the [gun] sights,’ he recalled later. ‘However, by a process of hit or miss, we succeeded in inﬂicting casualties; many of them due, I have no doubt, to shock.’4 Patterson reached Corinth on 7 October, exchanged desultory ﬁre with the Germans on the other side of the canal and then accepted the surrender of another battalion of Greek collaborators. From Corinth, the SBS advanced as far east as the town of Megara, where Patterson divided his force. Bimrose led a section north towards Thebes with orders to continue the harassment of the Germans. There were several contacts in the days that followed and during one of these LanceCorporal James Carmichael was killed. Another patrol commanded by Lieutenant Keith Balsillie sailed across the Bay of Salamis on a reconnaissance. When Balsillie stepped off his caique and onto the Piraeus, he unwittingly became the ﬁrst soldier of the Allied liberating army to reach the outskirts of the Greek capital. Balsillie returned to Megara to ﬁnd that Jellicoe had arrived, as had a company from the 4th Independent Parachute Brigade. On hearing Balsillie’s report of his foray into the outskirts of Athens, Jellicoe was ordered by Land Forces Adriatic Q to to see for for himself himself hi lf the th situation situati si tion in in the the Greek Greekk capital. cap pital. l Milner-Barry Millner-Barry Mi B y accompanied accompa p niiedd HQ
The SBS enjoy a tourist trip around Greece. (Courtesy of the SBS Archive)
The depth of bitterness between the communist EAM and the Royalist EDES took the British by surprise. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
his commander, the pair of them deciding that such a momentous occasion required aggrandising: ‘It was agreed that George should be a brigadier and myself a full colonel,’ wrote Milner-Barry. ‘So we donned the necessary emblems.’5 It was the late afternoon of Friday 13 October as the two ofﬁcers, accompanied by three bodyguards, set off ‘rather timidly’ in a motorboat. Once across the bay they made contact with Ian Patterson near Eleusis, about 10 miles north-west of Athens. Patterson and Jellicoe commandeered a pair of bicycles and headed towards the Greek capital with the rest following in cars. The odd convoy received a rapturous welcome as they entered Athens. ‘Tears, shouts, kisses, handshakes, blows on the back, dragged into the houses and nearly suffocated,’ wrote Milner-Barry. ‘Made a speech from a balcony, shouting “Zeto to ELAS”, when I ought to have said “Helas”, meaning “Up with Greece”, rather than “Up with ELAS”. I don’t think the loss of an “H” was remarked on in the excitement.’6 The rest of L Squadron followed a few hours later. One soldier, Corporal ‘Windows’ Hill, remembered that he and some of his men were ordered to guard the Athens power station in case of a German sabotage attack. But there was no assault and when Hill made it into the city centre the next morning he and his comrades were set upon by ‘two girls [who] rushed out, seized us and took us off to a party that was still going on at dawn the next day’.7 Milner-Barry, Patterson and Jellicoe spent the night in one of the ﬁnest hotels of the city, recovering their breath and preparing for another round of festivities. Saturday, wrote Milner-Barry, ‘proved an unforgettable day of ceremony in which we felt like cinema stars’ as Athens ofﬁcially celebrated its liberation.8 In the days that followed Milner-Barry attended church services, dances and dinner parties, and on Tuesday 17th he took tea with Princess Andrew of Greece, sister of Louis Mountbatten (and mother of the Duke of Edinburgh). Though Milner-Barry found the princess a little deaf, her hospitality could not be faulted: English tea, cucumber sandwiches and a delicious plum cake.
Meanwhile L Squadron had already left Athens behind and was pushing north towards Lamia, one section by caique and another by road, chasing the German rearguard. Augmenting the SBS was the 4th Independent Parachute Battalion, a unit from the RAF Regiment and a battery of 75mm guns. Numbering nearly 1,000 men in total and codenamed ‘Pompforce’, they were under the overall command of Jellicoe, no longer a brigadier but recently promoted – ofﬁcially – to colonel. From Lamia ‘Pompforce’ headed north towards Larissa, driving past the detritus of a large-scale retreat without ever catching sight of their enemy. Finally they made contact with the enemy just south of the town of Kozani. Jellicoe split his force in two, the paratroopers skirting around Kozani and pushing on to Florina, which lay close to the borders with Yugoslavia and Albania, while the rest of ‘Pompforce’ crushed German resistance at Kozani. The town was swiftly captured and the SBS hurried north on their dwindling supplies of petrol to link with the paratroopers at Florina.
Consequently L Squadron had to patrol the streets in December 1944 to prevent EAM ﬁghters killing their rivals, though this photo is clearly staged. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
The photo of this unidentiﬁed SBS sergeant was taken by Duggie Pomford in 1945, as the unit prepared to carry out raids on the Adriatic Islands. (Courtesy of Lynne Perrin)
Here the SBS at last had a chance to unwind, drinking beer, sightseeing and seeking out souvenirs. One soldier found a copy of Hitler’s Mein Kampf in what had been the HQ of the German Feldgendarmerie (military police) and numerous cameras were retrieved, allowing the SBS to capture for posterity their drive through Greece. Milner-Barry arrived in Florina on 1 November and the next day received a signal ‘instructing us not to go into Yugoslavia or Albania, presumably as a result of a pact with the Russians’. The order was a blow and Milner-Barry conﬁded to his diary that he feared the squadron would turn into an occupational force. Fortunately news of a more uplifting nature reached Milner-Barry later that day: ‘Andy Lassen, after some considerable patrol success, is in Salonika in sole charge!’9 __________ Lassen had sailed from the island of Kythira on 30 September, disembarking at Poros, on the eastern tip of Peloponnese. Here he met an old acquaintance, a naval liaison ofﬁcer called Martin Solomon, who asked if Lassen could get him to Volos, a port in eastern Greece. Lassen agreed, transporting Solomon to Volos and then prising permission from HQ to continue his exploration of Greek waters as far north as Potidea. Lassen was now just 30 miles south of Salonika. The temptation to remain in Potidea was too great and, having acquired a jeep and a large supply of petrol, Lassen set off on the afternoon of 26 October to see what lay between him and the second most important city in Greece. With Lassen went one of his Greek soldiers, Jason Mavrikis, who recalled an incident as they stopped close to a wood to answer the call of nature. ‘We heard strange voices [from the wood],’ remembered Mavrikis. ‘We approached carefully. There was a large German armoured car and three or four Jerries were having a conversation near it. We
This set of photos belonged to Jack Emerton of L Squadron and show him and his comrades in late 1944. Here they relax with a beer. Washing a dog who doesn’t seem that impressed with his clean coat. Somewhere in Greece. (Images Courtesy of David Henry)
round the back of them [the Germans] and opened ﬁre. I must have ﬁred a dozen magazines of Bren gun as they were stood there. When they started throwing ﬂares up, we pulled out leaving behind a lot of their dead and wounded.’ Estimates put the number of enemy casualties at 60 while the SBS came through the engagement unscathed. Lassen and his men reboarded the ﬁre engines and drove through the centre of Salonika, marvelling at their reception and the sight of a myriad of Union Flags ﬂuttering from windows and lamp posts. ‘It was great,’ recalled Doug Wright. ‘The welcome we received was unbelievable. There were women everywhere wanting to kiss us!’ As early as 1 November the news was being reported on the front pages of British and North American newspapers. ‘British Units in Salonika’, ran the headline in one American paper, adding that ‘British forces entering the seaport … were received enthusiastically by the populace’.13 Though the Germans had succeeded in destroying several important installations before their withdrawal, leaving a ‘black pall hanging over the city’,14 a subsequent British Intelligence report said of the SBS action: ‘But for Lassen and his band, Salonika would not have been evacuated as soon as 30 October 1944. The town would have suffered greater destruction. His solitary jeep and few troops were seen everywhere; behind the enemy’s lines, with ELAS and in the mountains. Their numbers and strength h were magniﬁed magniﬁ ﬁedd into int n o many h unddreds.’ d ’15 strength hundreds.’
he winter of 1944 was not kind to the SBS. A series of misfortunes befell the squadron, including the death in separate aircraft accidents of Dick Morris, who had been with the unit for nearly two years, and of Ian Patterson. Milner-Barry felt desperate when he heard the news of Morris’s death, conﬁding to his diary that ‘apart from the fact that he was an exceptionally nice fellow, he was due to go back to England and I contributed to inducing him to stay an extra month’.1 Patterson’s loss was felt keenly by Jellicoe, although he too was soon to depart the squadron for a staff college at Haifa. David Sutherland replaced Jellicoe as commanding ofﬁcer and Ambrose McGonigal took over L Squadron in place of the deeply mourned Patterson. Sutherland assumed command of the SBS at a time when their future was uncertain. The weeks leading up to his appointment had been trying for the squadron with L Squadron acting as gloriﬁed policemen in Athens. There were demonstrations on the streets of the Greek capital in protest at the government of ‘National Unity’, and EAM were fomenting trouble. L Squadron began patrolling the streets to deter communist ﬁghters from shooting members of the pro-British Royalist National Republican Greek League EDES. But the ﬁghting soon escalated and the SBS were targeted, on one occasion a bomb being thrown through the
As the SBS swept across the Adriatic they encountered some disheartened soldiers who surrendered to them; others refused to give up without a ﬁght. (Corbis) 199
This ‘permit’ to operate was issued by the Yugoslav Adriatic authorities in April 1945 to Albert Layzell of L Squadron, though it incorrectly identiﬁes him as a member of the LRDG. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell)
On 24 February Ambrose McGonigal and three men landed on Unie, to the north-west of Olib, with the objective of using it as a vantage point from which to observe the neighbouring islands of Cherso and Lussino to the east. But on the second day of his reconnaissance McGonigal took advantage of a cooperative partisan group and rowed the couple of miles to Lussino to see the situation for himself. Landing on the northern part of Lussino, McGonigal spent an hour climbing to the top of a hill covered in thorn bushes and low scrub. It was worth the effort. From the peak ‘it was possible to obtain a good view of the bridge and the town of Ossero’.9 McGonigal spent two hours on his observation point before moving on to reconnoitre the village of Neresine. His interest piqued by McGonigal’s intelligence, Sutherland planned a bigger reconnaissance operation at the start of March involving three two-man canoe parties. Party No.1 comprised Captain Jimmy Lees and Corporal Allen with orders to explore Cunski in the centre of Lussino; Party No.2 consisted of Lieutenant Allan Lucas, a New Zealander who had joined the SBS the previous December, and Lance-Corporal Hank Hancock, and had the objective of reconnoitring Neresine; Party No.3 comprised Lieutenant Brian Gallagher and Sergeant Dick Holmes, whose objective was Ossero. Each party was instructed to pay particular attention to six points: a) Number of enemy troops b) Map references of enemy positions (defensive) c) Number and type of guns manned d) Location of any possible mined areas e) Position of troops billets f) Approach routes to enemy held areas.
I thought a lot of him,’ said Holmes. ‘He came to us late but he didn’t pretend to know anything.’ Gallagher put himself in the hands of Holmes, bowing to his greater experience and knowledge. Shortly after they had struck off north Gallagher, a South Wales Borderer, received his ﬁrst lesson in planning a reconnaissance mission of this sort. ‘The paths marked on the map [were] unreliable as overgrown by thick bushes,’ he commented in his report. ‘Consequently going was very slow.’10 They halted at 0345 hours, rested until 0800 hours and then resumed their march after a quick breakfast. By mid-morning they were looking down on Ossero from a pine-covered slope. Gallagher wrote in his report that the sound of woodcutters in the distance was audible but otherwise it appeared they were alone on the mountain. They observed the town for a while and then sat down to a lunch prepared by Holmes. Suddenly two civilians appeared through the trees. ‘No word was exchanged and the civilians, probably Yugoslavs, did not seem surprised or interested,’ wrote Gallagher.11 Nonetheless, the moment they were gone Holmes advised his ofﬁcer that they should move their camp a quarter of a mile south on the reverse side of the mountain. For the next 36 hours the pair observed the target and noted down everything of interest. In the afternoon of 4 March, just as they prepared to set out for the
Hank Hancock put his artistic skills to good use in producing this map of Neresine Harbour prior to the SBS raid in February 1945. (Author’s Collection)
rendezvous at Neresine with the other two patrols, Gallagher asked Holmes if he could have some of his water. ‘He’d run out because he’d been making so much tea,’ said Holmes. ‘I said “no, it will teach you a lesson about conserving water.”’ __________
Q Patrol rests at Unie after the raid on Villa Punta. L–R: Lieutenant Allan Lucas NZ (holding mug) and troopers Fenn, Ginger, Partridge and Goldie. (Imperial War Museum, HU 71356)
Meanwhile back at Zara plans were afoot to despatch a much larger patrol to Lussino following the capture of two Italian deserters. They informed McGonigal that their unit at Villa Punta would surrender en masse if they received a guarantee of merciful treatment. McGonigal decided to send a small force of men to deal with the Italians. Ideally he would have sent one of his experienced ofﬁcers – Jimmy Lees or Stud Stellin – but with both out on operations, McGonigal ordered the inexperienced Lieutenant Donald Thomason to lead the mission. ‘It was a rushed job with a new ofﬁcer on his ﬁrst raid,’ said Corporal Ken Smith, who also recalled his patrol had a new sergeant in Jock Cameron.12 Smith was one of the more experienced members of the patrol, along with a fellow Marine called Tommy Kitchingman, a ‘good footballer and a great lad’ in the opinion of Dick Holmes. When McGonigal issued his operational orders to Thomason it was clear that surrender was not the priority of the mission. His task was to ‘attack and destroy the occupants of Villa Punta … and bring away any prisoners and equipment captured’.13 To aid in their destruction of the villa, the 21-man patrol loaded onto their transport a 5-gallon can of petrol.
‘Back at the house there were cries and screams and a lot of ﬁring,’ recalled Smith, as the British began to subdue the enemy. ‘By 0300 hours all resistance ceased,’ wrote McGonigal in his report. ‘The house was a complete wreck inside from Lewes bombs used by ourselves and from blast bombs used by the enemy in house ﬁghting.’20 The victory had come at a heavy price. Lees and Kitchingman were dead and eight men were wounded. McGonigal counted seven enemy dead but estimated that several more were buried under the ‘rubble covering the ﬂoors and the stairs blown away from one ﬂight’.21 Smith considered himself fortunate to have received just a ﬂesh wound to his arm; his friend Bill Mayall was in a much worse state. ‘Leave me,’ he begged Smith. Ignoring his friend’s pleas, Smith helped hoist Mayall onto a door and he was then carried back to the beach. Milner-Barry learned of the raid the following day. Lees had been a close friend and Kitchingman was a ‘very good marine’.* He spent the next few days visiting the wounded, angry that they had been sent to hospitals in Bari, Barletta and Trani. ‘God knows why they had to be split up,’ he wrote in his diary, ‘but hospital laws must be obeyed.’22 __________ Smith was one of the men visited by Milner-Barry in hospital. He told him about the attack and the surprise of ﬁnding Villa Punta garrisoned not by a few pusillanimous Italians but by a squad of very determined Germans, evidently drafted in after word of the ﬁrst unsuccessful attempt to attack the villa had reached the enemy. Brigadier Davy was undeterred by the casualties incurred during the attack on the villa. It had achieved its objective. A few days later the SBS was instructed to launch a similar raid on the bridge at the Ossero, which linked the islands of Cherso and Lussin and was of such strategic importance to the enemy that they guarded it with 80 men and several light anti-aircraft guns. The Balkan Air Force had tried to destroy the bridge, so too the Royal Navy, so now the task was placed in the hands of the SBS. The operation was not well received by the veterans of the squadron. If a navy and an air force could not destroy it, what chance did 38 soldiers have? ‘It was just something for us to do,’ said Doug Wright, an opinion shared by Dick
Marine Thomas Kitchingman was a valued member of the SBS, who was killed during the raid on Villa Punta in March 1945. (Courtesy of Paul Ogden)
* A couple of years after the war Kitchingman’s mother and two sisters holidayed on the Lees’ Dorset estate. Lady Lees made a pilgrimage to her son’s grave in Belgrade War Cemetery in 1949.
‘Three times this ofﬁcer withdrew, replenished with ammunition and returned to the attack until the enemy were silenced.’ Military Cross citation for Lieutenant Donald Thomason Holmes, who considered the objective ‘dicey’.23 The presence of three medical orderlies as they sailed from Zara at 1530 hours on 18 March further exacerbated the sense of foreboding. McGonigal split his force into two – the ‘Main Party’ and a four-man ‘Folboat Party’; the latter, led by Dick Holmes, were to land by canoe and make their way to a rendezvous point close to the bridge where they would link with the Main Party once they had dealt with the garrison. Holmes had had a dress rehearsal two days before the attack proper. Initially everything went well but when the canoeists returned to the rendezvous point the motor launch had vanished, ‘so we were forced to paddle about twenty miles across open water to an island off the coast’. The men were ﬁnally picked up on the morning of 18 March, hours before they were due to sail from Zara. Two of the soldiers were too exhausted to go out again so McGonigal reduced the Folboat Party to two – Holmes and Private ‘Lofty’ Lecomber. At 2030 hours on 18 March the pair were back in a canoe heading for the target beach. The Main Party sailed on, coming ashore shortly before midnight. McGonigal split his force into patrols – K Patrol under Lieutenant Ian Smith; P Patrol under Captain Anderson, J Patrol under Lieutenant Gallagher and Z Patrol under Captain James Henshaw. They reached the target after a three-hour march. Smith was ordered to investigate a church while Sergeant Doug Wright was told to reconnoitre the main road through the village. Wright bumped into an enemy patrol. He killed four of the ﬁve Germans with his Bren and the ﬁfth ﬂed for his life back up the road. The gunﬁre alerted the Germans and four well-sited machine guns opened up on the British. McGonigal ordered his men to advance but as Ian Smith’s patrol neared the bridge they found ‘barbed wire, great coils of the stuff to roof top height, there was no way we could get through that’.24 Anderson’s patrol had encountered the same defences and so too Henshaw’s. Wright rejoined Henshaw and together they loaded a PIAT anti-tank weapon. ‘We ran into some Germans on a street and they started ﬁring so we had a go back at them with the Brens and the PIAT,’ remembered Wright. ‘I was on the PIAT and Henshaw was reloading for me when he was shot.’* * According to McGonigal’s report Henshaw was killed by a grenade although this seems unlikely as Wright was uninjured.
As Henshaw was carried out of the ﬁring line, McGonigal ordered Smith’s patrol to ﬁnd a way through the wire to the bridge. ‘We tried to ﬁnd a way round but wherever we went there was this wire,’ he wrote later. ‘I suppose we must have been about 100 yards from the bridge when we more or less ran out of ammo. I ﬁred ﬁve sten mags [magazines] at what I’m not sure.’25 Meanwhile Holmes and Lecomber were experiencing problems of their own. Having been thwarted in their initial attempt to land by the appearance of a German patrol on the beach, the pair eventually came ashore further up the coast and were still making their way towards the rendezvous when the battle began. McGonigal was still trying to force a way through when the Germans opened up with two 20mm Oerlikon cannons, wounding three SBS soldiers in the ﬁrst salvo. Even a man of McGonigal’s bellicosity now realised that to press the attack was unwise; at 0350 hours he ordered his men to withdraw. The men were despondent when they disembarked at Zara. Wright in particular was furious with the futility of the operation. ‘Henshaw was shot just at the end of the war but it would have made no difference if we’d blown the bridge,’ he reﬂected. ‘I was sad about his death. He was a good ofﬁcer.’ Sutherland shared the men’s disquiet and ordered an end to such operations: ‘In view of the strong precautionary measures being taken by the Germans almost everywhere I decided that raids of this nature could only produce diminishing results.’26
The SBS were based at Monte St Angelo in the spring of 1945, allowing the men to practise swimming in the Adriatic. (Cou (C ourt ou rtes rt esyy of tthe es he (Courtesy SBS Ar Arch c iv ch ive) e)) SBS Archive)
utherland’s decision had ramiﬁcations for M Squadron. Andy Lassen and his men had been scheduled to participate in operations on the islands, but Land Forces Adriatic now considered they would be better deployed in Italy as part of Brigadier Ronnie Tod’s 2nd Special Service Brigade (he had been promoted brigadier at the end of 1944). The brigade had spent the winter advancing north from the warm climes of the Aegean to the misery of the Lower Romagna in northern Italy, an area so ﬂat and wet it had earned comparison with the Netherlands or, for English soldiers, with the Fens. The Allied front line began in the east in front of Lake Comacchio and followed the course of the Senio River to Castel Bolognese and Highway Twelve. Brigadier Tod and his brigade held the line south of Comacchio, situated between Rimini to the south and Venice to the north on Italy’s north-east coast. The muddy waters of Lake Comacchio were on average only two feet deep, and home to eels but little else. A thin strip of sand, known as ‘the spit’, separated the eastern edge of the lake from the Adriatic Sea and several small islands were dotted across the lake that stretched for 4 miles at its widest point and 20 at its longest. The lake posed a problem for the Allies. It blocked their advance north and Lieutenant-General Mark Clark of the American V Corps wanted it seized. The Germans wished to hold it, and had sewn mines into the shores and built several
Anders Lassen, one of the most famous faces of the SBS. (Topfoto) 211
when he was on leave, it was as if he knew that he had challenged faith too much and had to ﬁll these brief hours with the life that was about to run away from him,’ recalled Porter Jarrell. ‘His existence had become a race with death.’4 Lassen’s frustration increased throughout the spring of 1945 as he heard accounts of ﬁerce battles in Lussino and Ossero while he was stuck in Bari. ‘Andy often talked about participating in the “Big War” as distinct from the small raids for which the SBS were trained,’ reﬂected Dick Holmes. ‘With us he felt he was a big ﬁsh in a small pond.’5 Lassen hoped Comacchio might provide him with a taste of ‘big war’. Lassen was ordered by Tod to paddle out onto Comacchio and ﬁnd channels deep enough to transport the commandos’ Goatley ﬂoats, engine-less vessels that could each accommodate ten men and their equipment. One of the SBS men was Corporal Ken Smith, now recovered from the wound sustained in the Villa Punta attack: ‘We used to go out each night in our canoes,’ he recalled. ‘Now on the lake, on the right was the spit, a narrow neck of land that separated the lake from the sea and that was where the Germans had some machine gun battalions.’6 It required a steady nerve and a lot of skill to paddle unseen across the water. ‘What we had to be careful about was the phosphorous on the paddle,’ recalled Smith. ‘So we had to make long gliding strokes to make as little noise and phosphorous as possible.’ The SBS patrols reconnoitred the lake at night and at the ﬁrst hint of dawn they laid up, dismantling their canoes and concealing them among the reeds in the
that ran between Comacchio and Porto Garibaldi, alongside which was a railway line on a low dyke. To the west of the dyke was the canal and to the east a ﬂoodplain. Lassen led the way, trotting noiselessly along the road with Private Fred Green at his side. The rest of the patrol were a few yards behind, invisible in the darkness. A quarter of a mile down the road a challenge was issued by a soldier from the 162nd Turkoman Division. Green stepped forward and replied in Italian that they were ﬁshermen from San Alberto, on their way to work. ‘I said this three or four times,’ recalled Green subsequently. ‘There was no reply, and then ﬁring began.’7 Shoving Green to the ground, Lassen returned ﬁre at the checkpoint. So did the rest of the patrol. The engagement was brief and the two sentries surrendered. Green escorted them back up the road towards their canoes while the rest of the patrol pressed on. A few yards further a machine gun opened up from a well-concealed ﬁring point, ‘built from stone and covered with sods and entered through an arch like the mouth of a small tunnel’.8 Lassen gave a sharp blast on his whistle, roared ‘forward, you bastards!’ and charged the enemy machine gun, hurling a grenade as he ran. Having destroyed the emplacement, Lassen continued up the road towards two more machine guns that were now ﬁring short bursts in his direction. The Dane sprinted up the left hand side of the road, withdrew another grenade, and threw it with pinpoint accuracy at the ﬁrst emplacement. Two more grenades followed in quick succession and the machine gun fell silent. The rest of the patrol tore after their leader, just as a ﬂare lit up the road. Another machine gun thumped into life and Stan Hughes and Corporal Edward Roberts from E Patrol were killed. Braving the ﬁre Sean O’Reilly tried to reach Lassen but was stopped by a bullet to his shoulder. Sergeant Waite fell too, crawling to the side of the road and continuing to lay down suppressing ﬁre despite the wound to his leg. Someone noticed Fred Crouch was missing.
Lassen is the only member of the British SAS or SBS to have been awarded the Victoria Cross. (Author’s Collection)
Lassen shouted to the rest of his men to concentrate their ﬁre on the closest machine-gun emplacement. Turning to Les Stephenson, the Dane asked for his grenades. ‘He snatched at least one grenade out of my hand before I could pass it to him,’ remembered Stephenson. Lassen lobbed the grenade at the emplacement. It detonated, showering the road with lumps of sod and stone. Lassen loosed off another burst. Someone cried ‘Kamerad’. Lassen told his men to stay put and advanced cautiously towards the emplacement. Suddenly there was a burst of machine-gun ﬁre and then silence. Stephenson recalled that ‘the silence seemed to last for twenty minutes but can only have been a few seconds and then I heard him call … “SBS, SBS, Major Lassen wounded”.’9 Stephenson ran across the road and found Lassen lying on his back. He was trying to tell him something, that he thought he was dying. Calling upon his formidable strength, Lassen ordered the patrol to withdraw. Stephenson tenderly fed Lassen a morphine tablet and began trying to hoist him onto his back. But he was heavy and then Stephenson’s foot became entangled in a fallen telephone wire. He swore with frustration, and shouted for assistance. Someone appeared at his side and Stephenson told him to help carry Lassen back up the road. ‘No point,’ said the soldier. ‘He’s dead.’10
‘The silence seemed to last for twenty minutes but can only have been a few seconds and then I heard him call … “SBS, SBS, Major Lassen wounded”.’ Les Stephenson Shattered by the death of their leader, the rest of the men withdrew towards the boats leaving Lassen’s body by the side of the road. For more than 36 hours it lay unattended until it was collected by a local priest, Don Francesco Mariani. Together with some of his congregation, the priest retrieved the bodies of Lassen, Hughes and Roberts and gave them a Christian burial in the town’s churchyard.* __________ The news of the raid ﬁltered down to Italy a day later, just as Stewart Macbeth returned from England to resume as David Sutherland’s second-in-command. * Fred Crouch’s body was recovered after a short while. Confusion persists as to how he met his end. Some accounts reported that he was shot by a machine gun, others that he drowned in the mud at the start of the operation.
THE SBS IN WORLD WAR II: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY Some of the survivors from the ill-fated raid on Comacchio recover in hospital: Back row (l-r) unknown, Hank Hancock, Mick Conby and Trooper Randell. Front row (l-r) unknown, Corporal Pollock, Sergeant Ronald Waite, Sergeant Sean O’Reilly and Sergeant Patsy Henderson. (Imperial War Museum, HU 71362)
and paddled like hell. I could see little mortar bombs coming each side of us and the zimming of machine gun ﬁre.’ From the bow of the boat Bimrose screamed instructions – ‘hard to port, hard to starboard’ – as the pair zig-zagged across the lake in a frantic bid to escape the German mortar rounds. ‘I was like the engine room’ reﬂected Smith, who turned 22 that same night. When they returned to their base on the swamp road 5 miles north of Comacchio, Bimrose handed Smith a bottle of whisky. It was a gift, not just to celebrate his birthday, but to give thanks for their survival.* __________ The day after the successful Allied crossing of Comacchio, 13 April, Bimrose returned to the lake with Milner-Barry. ‘We embarked in an assault boat with outboard attached and after numerous breakdowns got into our folboat and made cautiously for the islands,’ wrote Milner-Barry. They found no sign of the SBS, living or dead. On the way back they bumped into Brigadier Tod who told MilnerBarry ‘M [Squadron] had done very well and that he would look after them’.12 * Bimrose was awarded a Military Cross for his actions this night, the citation describing how he ‘drew much ﬁre onto his canoes … and in spite of great danger remained within range creating a diversion until absolutely satisﬁed that the main attack was going in successfully’. (National Archives, WO373/14)
The SBS party celebrate VE Day in suitably raucous fashion by burning a ‘guy’ in the form of Hitler. L–R: Trooper Donachie, US medic Porter Jarrell, Greek soldier Dmitri Baﬃlos, Martin Corby, Hank Hancock and Mick D’Arcy. (Imperial War Museum, HU 71366)
Milner-Barry arrived back in Monopoli on 2 May, the day that German forces in Italy ofﬁcially laid down their arms. Within hours of the surrender rumours began sweeping the SBS base. David Sutherland conﬁded to Milner-Barry and his other ofﬁcers ‘that there was a possibility that the whole unit might be required to drop in Austria’. What did they think of the idea? Milner-Barry told Sutherland ‘at this stage, none of the troops are very keen’. Sutherland agreed and the next day he and Milner-Barry concocted a letter to Brigadier Davy, commander of Land Forces Adriatic, advising against such an operation.16 The letter was rendered irrelevant by events elsewhere. On 7 May Milner-Barry wrote in his diary, ‘The war’s over tomorrow and we celebrate ofﬁcially. But began today, and after dinner I found myself lured into the men’s canteen and made to sing a song.’ To the lusty cheers of the men Milner-Barry gave a pitiful rendition of Oh Mabel, Darling Mabel. Informed that his presence was now required in the sergeants’ mess, Milner-Barry beat a hasty retreat to the ofﬁcers’ mess.17 On 8 May the war in Europe ended, and the celebrations began in earnest for the SBS. ‘A riot of gaiety,’ wrote Milner-Barry in his diary. ‘We organised a funfair
‘Was the sacriﬁce of such an outstanding ofﬁcer and men, and my men were the pick of the bunch, worth it for such a vague objective?… No doubt it all seemed worth it at the time.’ Ian Smith
for the troop with unsuitable ofﬁcers dressed up as ballet girls, a wine bar, [Ken] Fox telling fortunes, Stud [Stellin] showing them how to ﬂog kit, etc.’18 There was also a greasy pole to climb with old mattresses underneath to cushion the fall of the increasingly inebriated. Doug Wright recalled that they ‘ﬁlled a water cart with wine and drank for a week’.19 Captain Ian Smith remembered that at one stage the men coated a pig in lard and had a race to see who could catch the unfortunate animal. Sutherland eventually reined in his men late in the evening after they began ﬁring ﬂares into the night sky. ‘I mounted on a pedestal wearing a top hat,’ Milner-Barry wrote in his diary, ‘which I had somehow acquired, and managed to make myself heard by shouting at the top of my voice, and succeeded in quelling the near riot.’20 The next day hangovers precluded most conversation. What chat there was centred on home, and how quickly the men might see it. Some of the soldiers’ dreams were realised more quickly than others. Ian Smith, now a captain, ‘couldn’t believe his luck’ when he received orders to report to the War Ofﬁce in London. Catching a plane from Rome to Marseilles, Smith was back in Croydon just days after he had been chasing an Italian pig covered in lard. Dick Holmes was also on his way home. By May 1945 he had spent four and a half years abroad, qualifying him for automatic home leave. Holmes returned to a London almost unrecognisable from the one he had last seen in December 1940. Everything appeared different, or destroyed. And where were the colours? He felt like a foreigner in his own land as he boarded a bus to his parents. I said to the conductress, ‘I’ll have a tuppence ha’penny please.’ ‘What?’ she said. ‘Tuppence ha’penny, please.’ She asked where I was going. ‘Stratford,’ I told her. ‘You’ve been away a long time.’ ‘Yeah, four and a half years.’ She smiled and said, ‘You can have the fare for free.’
alter Milner-Barry spent a few days in late May sightseeing in Rome. When he returned to the SBS base at Monopoli he discovered that Stewart Macbeth had called for volunteers to go to South East Asia Command. Two hundred men had come forward. The news was a surprise to Milner-Barry who, having slept on it, wrote to David Sutherland the next morning, 30 May, offering to go with the squadron to the Far East. Later in the day Milner-Barry ‘lectured to the troops about the General Election [polling day was on 5 July] … emphasising that they all had a duty to vote for one side or the other’.1 Sutherland received Milner-Barry’s letter in London where he had been summoned by David Stirling upon his return from Colditz prisoner of war camp. After more than two years in captivity the founder of the SAS was eager to make up for lost time and a plan had been hatched for a combined unit of SAS and SBS troops to conduct a guerrilla campaign against Japanese forces in Manchuria. Stirling asked Sutherland if he would like to lead a 60-strong SBS squadron to the Far East. Sutherland replied that it would be an honour and he ﬂew back to Italy in July. From the 200 volunteers Sutherland selected 60 men, a process that left the rejected with ‘glum faces’. Doug Wright was one of the 60, even though he
Albert Layzell and the rest of L Squadron were able to enjoy the sights of Rome once the Armistice had been signed. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell) 223
‘The reputation you have made for yourselves in your successful operations in the Mediterranean, the Aegean Islands and the Adriatic coast will never be surpassed, and I would wish you all good luck and God speed wherever you may go.’ Field Marshal Alexander The verdict of the impartial tribunal came as no surprise to Calvert nor to any other recipient of his memo – there was no place for a special forces unit in postwar Britain. Politicians wished to look forward to decades of peace, to rebuilding the world, and that world would have no room for a force of guerrilla ﬁghters. With Winston Churchill no longer Prime Minister (replaced by Labour’s Clement Attlee) the special forces had lost a close ally. It had been Churchill who had defended the SBS a year earlier during a sharp exchange in the House of Commons with Simon Wingﬁeld-Digby. ‘Is it true, Mr Prime Minister,’ the Conservative Member of Parliament for West Dorset, had enquired, ‘that there is a body of men out in the Aegean Islands, ﬁghting under the Union ﬂag, that are nothing short of being a band of murderous, renegade cut-throats?’ To which Churchill replied: ‘If you do not take your seat and keep quiet I will send you out to join them.’7 The downfall of Churchill emboldened Wingﬁeld-Digby and his ilk, men and women untutored in combat who naively believed that wars could still be chivalrous; gradually the SBS, like Bomber Command, discovered that in the new Europe few people wanted to talk about their part in freeing the continent from the tyranny of fascism. In December 1945 the parents of the biggest ‘cut-throat’ of them all, Andy Lassen, were presented with their son’s posthumous Victoria Cross by King George VI at Buckingham Palace. Having ﬁrst described his actions at Lake Comacchio, the citation ended by stating that: ‘The high sense of devotion to duty and the esteem in which he was held by the men he led, added to his own magniﬁcent courage, enabled Major Lassen to carry out all the tasks he had been given with complete success.’8
L Squadron, SBS, taking part in what Emerton described on the back of the photo as a parade to mark the end of the war in Europe. (Courtesy of David Henry)
writing. Lodwick was at the height of his powers when he was killed in a car crash in 1959 aged 53. John Verney’s artistic talents stretched to more than just writing and in his 1993 obituary The Independent newspaper described him as ‘a writer, painter and illustrator … master of the ludicrous, inventor of the “Dodo-Pad”.’13 Sean O’Reilly became a doorman at one of the big London hotels after the wars; Cyril Feebery became an antiques dealer; Duggie Pomford opened the Golden Gloves boxing club in Liverpool in 1949, still a thriving enterprise and recently described by the Amateur Boxing Association of England as a ‘boxing institution’. In 1954 Pomford was awarded a medal by the Royal Humane Society for rescuing a man from the Liverpool docks. He died in 1969 aged 49, the result, his family believe, of ill-health brought on by the malaria he ﬁrst contracted during th he war. warr. wa the
M Squadron with the spoils of war at Castelrosso, July 1944: top row: Ray Iggledon, John Johnson, Henry Smith and Albert May. Bottom row: Jim Horsﬁeld, Ben Gunn, Jimmy Lees, Bill Mayall and Tommy Tucker. ((Courtesyy oof thee SB th SBSS A rch chi hive)) Archive)
Only in April 1946, two years after their deaths and following the end of the war, did the War Oﬃce acknowledge the men of the Alimnia Patrol were dead. (Courtesy of the Evans family)
Porter Jarrell spent 44 years working for the International Organization for Migration, a humanitarian concern he helped found and which he illuminated with his ‘compassion and principle’.14 Many years after the war Jarrell appeared unannounced at an SBS reunion in London and as he walked through the door at the Duke of York’s Barracks in London a voice exclaimed: ‘Good God, it’s the fucking Yank!’15 He died in 2001. Sid Dowland returned to the Grenadier Guards and eventually left the army in 1958 aged 40 with the rank of colour sergeant. The rest of his working life was spent working for an electronics ﬁrm in Surrey, where he died in 2002. Keith Killby, the conscientious objector, returned to the family meat business in Spitalﬁelds. In 1989 he established the San Marino Trust, a registered charity that awards bursaries to young Italians to come to England to improve their English skills. It was Killby’s way of paying back Italy for the help its people gave escaped British POWs in the winter of 1943. At the time of writing Killby, in his 97th year, is still actively involved in the Trust. Ken Smith remained in the Royal Marines before returning to his native Portsmouth where he still lives. Reg Osborn, veteran of the Levant Schooner Flotilla, is also still alive, living in London where he spent his working life as a press photographer. Doug Wright played out the last act of his adventurous life in the Royal Hospital Chelsea, still cutting an imposing ﬁgure in the scarlet tunic worn by the pensioners. For a while he had tried civvy street, working as a farm manager in Cheshire, but the pull of the army was too strong and he re-enlisted in the 1950s. Wright was ﬁnally discharged in 1970 and spent the next 20 years in a variety of jobs – crane driver, butcher and prison warder – before entering the Hospital in 1998. He died ten years later aged 88.
Dick Holmes was determined to make up for the time lost to the war. He decided against returning to work as a window ﬁtter, and became a teacher of physical education. He also married and then, in the early 1960s, he and his wife emigrated to Ontario where they continue to live. Both now in their 90s they go bowling with friends twice a week. Holmes is the last survivor of that band of men who were transferred from the SAS to the SBS at the end of 1942. He reﬂected: I found my niche in the SBS. I enjoyed it, I was good at it, and it was the war I wanted to be ﬁghting. There was no bullshit, no saluting … and best of all, you were among like-minded fellows who also hated spit and polish. We didn’t do anything that affected the war in any great way. We blew up bridges, destroyed airﬁelds, shot up a few Germans. Niggling things that inconvenienced the enemy. But I think we slowed them down in the Aegean and we also tied up quite a few thousand of their troops when they would have been better deployed in Russia or France, and we were doing that with only a few dozen men of our own. So we felt we were doing something necessary.16
The 91-year-old Dick Holmes describes the 21-year-old Dick Holmes as an ‘arrogant bastard’ but then in his view the same applied to everyone who volunteered for the SAS in North Africa. We were in action a hell of a lot and I told myself I was ﬁghting men who hadn’t done the training I had. They hadn’t jumped out of aeroplanes or marched for miles on end. In my mind I was better than them and that gave me – and I think the rest of the boys – a tremendous advantage when we went on a scheme. We were superior not only physically but psychologically.
Evans’ mother, seen here with a young George, wrote repeatedly to the War Oﬃce who suggested he had probably ‘met with some accident’ while a prisoner. (Courtesy of the Evans family)
Nothing had been heard from any of them since their capture in April 1944. The mother of Allan Tuckey began writing letters in a desperate bid to discover the fate of her son. First she wrote to the War Ofﬁce and then she contacted the Special Boat Squadron. They forwarded a letter from her to Bill Blyth’s wife, who in turn posted it to her husband in Germany. Blyth received the letter on 8 January 1945 in Oﬂag 79 near Brunswick, the POW camp to which he had been transferred from Stalag 7A. Blyth replied on the same day, describing their capture and how he and Tuckey had been separated from the rest of the men upon arriving in Rhodes. He stressed to Mrs Clark that her son had been ‘in the best of health when I last saw him and was being well treated by the Germans’. Blyth concluded the letter by saying he was at a loss to know why Mrs Tuckey had received no communication from her son. ‘The only conclusion that I can arrive at is that he might have attempted to escape or was taken to the Greek mainland by sea and met some accident en route.’17 There was, of course, a third conclusion Blyth might have mentioned had he not known that his letter would be read by the Germans before being despatched to England via the International Red Cross. Curiously, however, even upon his release from captivity Blyth never raised the possibility that the men had been executed. In September 1945, in response to yet another letter from Tuckey’s mother, the War Ofﬁce replied that the six British prisoners ‘may have been lost trying to escape [from Rhodes] as we have evidence that a few did try to swim to the [Greek] mainland’.18 When John Lodwick published The Filibusters in 1947 he described how Blyth had been ‘well treated … within a week of his capture he was playing hockey in an Oﬂag’. This information could only have come from Blyth himself. As for the fate of the missing men, wrote Lodwick, ‘… we never knew, and it seems now that we shall never know. The war is over but they remain listed as “missing”.’19
One can only speculate why Blyth told Lodwick he was playing hockey a week after his capture, when in reality he was being tortured by Dr Mueller-Faure. Perhaps he was ashamed at having talked, despite the fact that he betrayed no one nor revealed to his inquisitors anything that could have comprised his comrades still operating in the Gulf of Kos. Blyth must have suspected that the rest of the men had been subjected to a similar brutal interrogation, but if he did then he kept these concerns to himself. Maybe Blyth wanted to save the families of the missing men from pain or perhaps by denying any torture had taken place this brave man was trying to alleviate his own misplaced sense of guilt. The families of the missing men continued their campaign to discover the truth but in April 1946 the parents of George Evans received a letter from the War Ofﬁce, stating ‘as no news has been received which would indicate he and his comrades are alive … there can no longer be any hope for their survival’. The letter, certainly sent to all the relatives, concluded by saying: ‘It has been decided to record ofﬁcially that Private A.G. Evans is presumed to have died while a prisoner of war, on or shortly after 7th April 1944.’20 The matter was now considered closed. Bill Blyth emigrated to South Africa – though he and David Sutherland met each year at Royal Ascot – and the mother of Allan Tuckey grew old and died. So did Blyth, reportedly in the early 1980s, the same decade when the fate of the Alimnia Patrol was ﬁnally laid bare, ‘in a strange way’, as Sutherland wrote later.21 For many years rumours had stalked Kurt Waldheim as the Austrian rose through the world of international diplomacy, rumours that intimated he had something to hide from the war years. Waldheim had always dismissed the whisperings as idle gossip spread by his political enemies. Yes, he had served in the war, but ‘in a reconnaissance unit, and I served on horseback in its cavalry element’. Furthermore he had been ‘wounded on the eastern front and, being incapacitated for further service on the front, resumed my law
The fate of George Evans and the rest of the Alimnia Patrol remained a mystery for nearly 50 years. (Courtesy of the Evans family)
Once the fate of the Alimnia Patrol had been established in the 1980s, the then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher wrote to the MP of the Evans family to express her gratitude for his ‘heroism’. (Author’s Collection)
studies at Vienna university where I graduated in 1944’.22 After his ‘honourable’ war Waldheim joined the Austrian Foreign Ministry, and in 1972 he was elected secretary general to the United Nations, a position he held until 1982. It was when he ran for the presidency of Austria in 1986 that Waldheim’s political foes launched their attack, exposing his trail of untruths. Waldheim’s forte in the war had been intelligence, not reconnaissance, and as a ﬁrst lieutenant he had served as an intelligence ofﬁcer in Army Group E, based in Salonika. Investigative journalists from around the world leaped on the revelation, and within months the full extent of Waldheim’s deception had been uncovered. ‘Kurt Waldheim did not, in fact, order, incite or personally commit what is commonly called a war crime,’ wrote Robert Edwin Herzstein, a historian who played a pivotal role in bringing Waldheim to account, ‘but this nonguilt must not be confused with innocence. The fact that Waldheim played a signiﬁcant role in military units that unquestionably committed war crimes makes him at the very least morally complicit in those crimes.’23 Among the reams of German Intelligence documents painstakingly examined by historians and journalists were a handful relating to the capture of LS24 in Alimnia Bay. Waldheim was on leave at the time, and in this particular war crime he played no part, but his fellow intelligence ofﬁcers were complicit in events outlined in a series of chilling reports and cables. George Evans, Leo Rice, George Miller, Ray Jones, Allan Tuckey and Ronald Carpenter had not drowned attempting to escape from Rhodes, nor had they met with some other ‘accident’; they had been tortured and executed. The only
OCTU OR petrol bowser POW RFHQ RAF RAMC RTU SAS SBS SD SOE Sonderbehandlung SRS SS Stuka TJFF Tommy gun Ustashi Vickers K wadi W/T
Ofﬁcer Cadets Training Unit other ranks petrol tanker prisoner of war Raiding Forces Headquarters Royal Air Force Royal Army Medical Corps Returned to Unit Special Air Service Special Boat Squadron Sicherheitsdienst, the intelligence service of the SS Special Operations Executive ‘special treatment’; the Nazi euphemism for the execution of captured Allied commandos Special Raiding Squadron; formed in 1943 from 1 SAS Schutzstaffel; the paramilitary force of Nazi Germany the nickname of the Luftwaffe Junkers 87 dive-bomber Transjordan Frontier Force Thompson submachine gun Croatian Pro-Nazi militia Rapid ﬁring machine gun designed for aircraft and later used by the SAS a dry river bed in the desert that contains water only when it rains heavily wireless telegraphy
NOTES Introduction 1. Letter from General McCreery to General Harold Alexander, September 1942. PRO WO 201/732 2. David Stirling Memo, 1946, SAS Archives 3. SAS war diary, 14 February 1943, National Archives WO218/98 4. Pleydell papers, privately held 5. Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.98
Chapter 1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
Letter from Sutherland to Lodwick 1945, SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. Sutherland, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.97 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Sutherland, He Who Dares, p.40 All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 Author interview with Pomford family, 2012 All quotes from Sid Dowland in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002 Author interview with Doug Wright, 2002 Author interview with Keith Killby, 2002 Ibid.
Chapter 2 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
SBS war diary, 7 April 1943, National Archives WO218/98 Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.99 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Mars and Minerva, journal of the SAS Association, April 1992 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 Ibid.
Sutherland, He Who Dares, p.100 Ibid. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum SBS war diary, 16 April 1943, National Archives WO218/98 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum David Sutherland scrapbook SBS war diary Grant-Taylor, Leonard, Close Quarter Battle, quoted in Martin, D, The Iron Hand of War, available at http://www.cqbservices.com/?page_id=11 SBS war diary Verney, John, Going to the Wars (Collins, 1955), p.24 Ibid. SBS war diary SBS training programme for week beginning 3 May 1943, SBS war diary Author interview with Sid Dowland, 2002 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum SBS war diary Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. SBS war diary Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.
Author interview with Doug Wright, 2002 Feebery, Cyril, Guardsman & Commando (Pen & Sword, 2008), p.94 SBS war diary Ibid. Ibid. Dorney, Richard, An Active Service: The Story of a Soldier’s Life in the Grenadier Guards and SAS, 1935–1958 (Helion and Company, 2009), p.113 Ibid. Feebery, Guardsman & Commando, p.101 Verney, Going to the Wars, p.178 SBS war diary Author interview with Richard Dorney, 2002
Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 Ibid. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 Author interview with Jeff Du Vivier, 2003 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.108 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Sutherland, He Who Dares, p.109 Ibid. Egyptian Mail, 6 July 1943 Sutherland, He Who Dares, p.111
Chapter 5 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Dick Holmes’ papers Langley, Mike, Anders Lassen (New English, 1988) p.140 All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author
interview, 2012 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.112 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Smith, Peter and Edwin Walker, War in the Aegean (Stackpole, 2008), p.34 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Jellicoe, Imperial War Museum sound archive, catalogue number 26767 Ibid. Ibid. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Ibid. Jellicoe, Imperial War Museum sound archive David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives
Chapter 6 1. All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 2. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 3. Smith, Peter and Edwin Walker, War in the Aegean (Stackpole, 2008), p.41 4. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 5. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 6. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 7. Unattributed quotations in the following paragraphs are all from MilnerBarry papers, Imperial War Museum 8. http://durhamlightinfantry.webs.com
Harder, Thomas, Anders Lassen’s War (Informations Forlag, 2010), p.74 http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol012dp.html Ibid. Smith and Walker, War in the Aegean, pp.45–46 Ibid. Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.117 Ibid. All quotes from Doug Wright in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002 All quotes from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 Smith and Walker, War in the Aegean, p.200 Ibid. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Smith and Walker, War in the Aegean, p.226 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. Smith and Walker, War in the Aegean, p.267
Lodwick, The Filibusters, p.127 Donald Grant, in Look magazine, from the papers of Dick Holmes Ibid. Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.130
Chapter 9 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
Smith, Peter and Edwin Walker, War in the Aegean (Stackpole, 2008), p.259 Lodwick, John, The Filibusters (Methuen, 1947), p.132 Author interview with Dick Holmes, 2012 Seligman, Adrian, War in the Islands: Undercover Operations in the Aegean, 1942–44 (Sutton, 1996) Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 Ibid. Ibid. Citation for Corporal Asbery’s Military Medal
Chapter 10 1. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 2. All quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 3. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. All quotation from Reg Osborn in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 8. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Diary held by Wiener Library, London, Document 646, Waldheim papers
Ibid. Ibid. Evans Family papers Diary held by Wiener Library, London Interview given to Sunday Tasmanian, 6 March 1988 German Interrogation report N0.308, Waldheim Papers, Wiener Library Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.
Chapter 12 1. Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.137 2. All quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 3. All quotations from Doug Wright in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002 4. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 5. Langley, Mike, Anders Lassen (New English, 1988), p.157 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid 13. Ibid. 14. National Archives WO373/46 15. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 16. Dick Holmes papers
Chapter 13 1. Lodwick, John, The Filibusters (Methuen, 1947), p.147 2. Ibid. 3. Ken Smith interview, Imperial War Museum sound archive, catalogue number 18490 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 7. Ken Smith interview, Imperial War Museum sound archive 8. Lodwick, The Filibusters, p.154 9. Ken Smith interview, Imperial War Museum sound archive 10. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 11. Ibid. 12. Author interview with Dick Holmes, 2012
Chapter 14 1. All quotations from Doug Wright in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002 2. All quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 3. Goni, Uki, The Read Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón’s Argentina (Granta, 2002), p.202 4. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 5. Major I.C.D. Smith MC, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 15632 6. Ibid. 7. Lodwick, John, The Filibusters (Methuen, 1947), p.176 8. R.J.P. Eden papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 13339 9. Ibid. 10. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid.
Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Mars and Minerva, April 1994 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Mars and Minerva, June 2000 Ibid. All quotations from Doug Wright in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002 13. Parsis News, Texas, 2 November 1944 14. Ibid. 15. Mortimer, Gavin, The Daring Dozen (Osprey, 2011), p.27
Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 Major I.C.D. Smith MC, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 15632 David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives All quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. All the Ken Smith quotations in this chapter are from the Ken Smith interview, Imperial War Museum sound archive, catalogue number 18490 SAS Archives Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. National Archives WO373/59 Ibid. SAS Archives Ibid. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum
23. All quotations from Doug Wright in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2002; all quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 24. Major I.C.D. Smith MC, Imperial War Museum 25. Ibid. 26. David Sutherland scrapbook, SAS Archives
Lodwick, John, The Filibusters (Methuen, 1947), p.237 Major I.C.D. Smith MC, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 15632 Lodwick, The Filibusters, p.233 Harder, Thomas, Anders Lassen’s War (Informations Forlag, 2010), p.289 Author interview with Dick Holmes, 2012 All the Ken Smith quotations in this chapter are from the Ken Smith interview, Imperial War Museum sound archive, catalogue number 18490 Langley, Mike, Anders Lassen (New English, 1988), p.243 SAS Archives Langley, Anders Lassen, p.244 Ibid. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum, catalogue number 16758 Ibid. Ibid. Major I.C.D. Smith MC, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum Ibid. Ibid. Author interview with Doug Wright, 2002 Milner-Barry papers, Imperial War Museum
National Archives WO373/47 Mars and Minerva, Spring 1987 Daily Telegraph, 26 February 2007 http://www.sja.ca/Saskatchewan/AboutUs/Worldwide/Pages/default.aspx http://www.barriergold.co.nz/history.htm The Independent, 4 February 1993 http://www.pugwash.org/publication/nl/nlv38n1/porter-jarrell.htm Ibid. All quotations from Dick Holmes in this chapter are taken from an author interview, 2012 National Archives WO361/1089 Ibid. Lodwick, John, The Filibusters (Methuen, 1947), p.135 Evans family papers Sutherland, David, He Who Dares (Leo Cooper, 1998), p.150 New York Times, 4 March 1986 New York Times, 14 June 2007 Author interview with Holly Kendrick, 2012 Ibid. Metropolitan archives ACC/3121/E/04/1040 Sutherland, He Who Dares, p.152
Unpublished memoirs Robert Eden, untitled The Diaries of Walter Milner-Barry Walter Milner-Barry, The Happy Hedonistic Ian Smith, The Happy Amateur
Magazines, newspapers and journals Daily Express Daily Telegraph Egyptian Mail The Independent Look Magazine Lowell Sun Mars & Minerva New York Times Paris News The Times
National Archives WO 373/46 WO 373/14 WO 218/212 WO 379/16 WO 218/98
Imperial War Museum George Jellicoe, sound archive, catalogue number 26767 Walter Milner-Barry, documents, catalogue number 16758 Reg Osborn, sound archive, catalogue number 20296 Major I.C.D. Smith MC, catalogue number 15632 Ken Smith, sound archive, catalogue number 18490
SAS Regimental Archives David Sutherland Scrapbook Mars and Minerva Operational reports
INDEX References to illustrations are shown in bold. Acropolis 4, 191 Adriatic islands 200–203, 219 Adriatic operations 199, 201, 201–202, 203–208 Aegean Islands 76–77, 88, 89–91, 91, 110, 169, 177, 225 German invasion 90–91, 110, 123–124 Aegean Sea 73, 76–77, 89, 102, 124, 169 map 10 Albania 180, 185 Albanian partisans 185, 185 Alexander, FM Harold 81, 219, 224, 225 Alexandria 121 64th General Hospital 94 Algiers 44 Alimnia 142, 143, 145, 148, 149–150, 153, 153 Alimnia Patrol 145–146, 147, 148, 148–150, 157 fate 228, 231, 231, 232, 232–233 members captured 149–154, 151, 155, 157, 167 Alinda Bay 104, 107, 108, 109 Allen, Cpl 202 Allott, Capt 16 Amorgos 162–163, 164–165 Anderson, Capt Morris 128–129, 130–131, 208 Anderson, Gen Kenneth 169 Andrew, Princess, of Greece 192 Ankara 128 Apostolos 40 Araxes 188 Arkhi 131 Arnold, Gen Allan 128 Asbery, Cpl William, MM 129–130, 131 Astypalaia (formerly Stampalia) 124, 129–131, 142 Athens 189, 191, 192, 199 Acropolis 4, 191 St Paul’s Anglican Church 233 Athlit SBS base 24, 27–29, 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 49, 73, 75, 76, 78, 114, 115–116, 117 atomic bombs 224 Azzib, Raiding Forces HQ 73, 80, 113, 114, 118, 119, 141, 155, 157, 165 Azzib SRS base 33, 36 Baalbek, temple of Bacchus 34 Badoglio, Gen Pietro 76, 78 Bafﬁlos, Dmitri 220 Baker, James 38 Balkan Air Force 207 Balkans theatre 89, 102, 119, 178–181, 180, 182–183, 185, 187 see also Yugoslavia Balsillie, Lt Keith 140, 141, 159, 160, 167, 191 Bari 177, 200 Bartie (SBS member) 158
Bay of Salamis 4, 187, 191 Beagley, Sgt 65, 66, 67 Beirut 18 St Georges Hotel 18, 20, 80 Belcher, Capt Thomas 103 Bimrose, Capt Charles, MC 100, 170, 188–189, 191, 217, 218, 219 Bishop, Tom 101 Blyth, Capt Hugh ‘Bill’ 108, 117, 135, 147–148 Alimnia operation 142, 143, 145, 149, 157 post-war 231 as POW 150–151, 154, 155, 167, 230–231, 233 in Turkey 141 wife 229, 230 Bodrum 127, 128 Bogarde, Dirk 17 Brinkworth, Capt Ian 47, 48, 50, 53 British Army see also SAS; SBS Anders Lassen training centre 226 Army, Eighth 78, 219 Coldstream Guards 22 Durham Light Infantry, 1st Bn 87–88, 93, 94 Grenadier Guards, 6th Bn 21–22 King’s Own Royal Regiment, 1st 106 Land Forces Adriatic (LFA) 177, 187, 191, 200, 211 Long Range Desert Group (LRDG) 88–89, 106, 109, 117, 177, 187, 188, 224 Ofﬁcer Cadets Training Unit (OCTU) 36, 38 Parachute Bn, 11th 87, 113 Parachute Brigade, 4th Independent 191, 193 Royal Corps of Signals 95 Royal East Kent Regiment (The Buffs) 106 Royal Engineers 178, 180 Royal Irish Fusiliers, 2nd 106 Royal Tank Regiment 78 Royal West Kent Regiment 88 South East Asia Command 223–224 Special Raiding Squadron (SRS) 27, 33, 36, 38, 78 Special Service Brigade, 2nd 211 Brown, L/Cpl Bill 52–53 Brook, Harold ‘Ginger’ 36, 204 ‘Bucket Force’ 188 Burger, Col Otto 155, 233 Bury, Lt Bob 170, 195 Caesar 149 Cafferata, Raymond 78 caiques (Greek ﬁshing boats) 43, 48, 100, 107, 125–126, 137, 139–140, 173, 187 in German use 129–130, 148, 149, 171 Cairo 80 see also Middle East HQ Gezira Sporting Club 113 Groppi’s café 71, 73, 157 Shepheard’s Hotel 80, 113
E-pub ISBN: 978 1 4728 0481 5 PDF ISBN: 978 1 4728 0480 8 Index by Alan Thatcher Typeset in Bembo Originated by PDQ Digital Media Solutions, UK Printed in China through 13 14 15 16 17 18 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Osprey Publishing is supporting the Woodland Trust, the UK’s leading woodland conservation charity, by funding the dedication of trees. www.ospreypublishing.com Front Cover image: Squadron patrol the streets of Greece in a clearly staged photo (Courtesy of Ian Layzell) Page 2: SBS patrols in the Bay of Salamis prior to the advance into Athens in October 1944. (Courtesy of Ian Layzell) This page: The SBS act the tourists in Greece with a visit to the acropolis. (Courtesy of the SBS Archives)
BOSTON FUBUCUBRARY CopieySquaiB POLAND IN WORLD WAR 11 An Illustrated Military History Andrew Hempel HippocRENE Books, Inc. New York FRONT COVER: "To Arms" poster announcing the outbreak of the Polish Warsaw Uprising on August 1, 1944. The poster was
avin Mortimer THE SASIN WORLD WAR II OSPREY P U B L I S H I N G THE IN WORLD WAR II Gavin Mortimer First published in Great Britain in 2011 by Osprey Publishing, Midland House, West Way, Botley, Oxford, OX2 OPH, UK 44-02 23rd Street, Suite 219, Long
avin Mortimer THE SASIN WORLD WAR II OSPREY P U B L I S H I N G THE IN WORLD WAR II Gavin Mortimer First published in Great Britain in 2011 by Osprey Publishing, Midland House, West Way, Botley, Oxford, OX2 OPH, UK 44-02 23rd Street, Suite 219, Long
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A HISTORY OF THE WORLDIN 100 WEAPONS C H R I S M C N A B FOREWORD BY ANDREW ROBERTS AHISTORY OF THE WORLDrN lOOWEAPONS OSPREY PUBLISHING A HISTORY OF THEWORLD IN 100 WEAPONS CHRIS MCNAB F O R E W O R D B Y A N D R E W R O B E R T S First published in